هیات نمایندگی نجران با دیدن وضع یاد شده، وارد شور شده و به اتفاق آراء تصویب كردند كه هرگز وارد مباهله نشوند، آنان حاضر شدند كه هر سال مبلغی به عنوان “جزیه” ( مالیات سالانه) بپردازند  و در برابر آن، حكومت اسلامی از جان و مال آنان دفاع كند. پیامبراكرم(ص) نیز رضایت خود را اعلام نمود و قضیه مباهله به اتمام رسید.

سپس پیامبراكرم(ص) فرمود: عذاب، سایه شوم خود را بر سر نمایندگان مردم نجران گسترده بود و اگر از در ملاعنه و مباهله وارد می شدند، صورت انسانی خود را از دست داده، و در آتشی كه در بیابان برافروخته می شد، می سوختند و دامنه عذاب به سرزمین نجران نیز كشیده می شد.

عظمت حضرت زهرا علیهاالسلام

درعربستان پیش از اسلام، زن هیچ جایگاهی نداشت. زن به عنوان كنیزی كه در خدمت مرد قرار می گرفت تا كارهای خانه اش را انجام دهد، ایفای وظیفه می نمود.

او در مسائل اجتماعی، اقتصادی، سیاسی و غیره حق دخالت و اظهارنظر نداشت. در چنین شرایطی بود كه اسلام ظهور نمود، دیگر به جنس انسان اهمیتی نمی داد بلكه انسانیت وی حائز اهمیت بود. زنان صاحب حق و حقوقی شدند و دیگر كمتر مورد ظلم قرار می گرفتند. در چنین شرایطی كه دختران زنده به گور می شدند و برای زنان در جامعه هیچ شخصیتی قائل نبودند. حضرت زهرا علیهاالسلام پا به عرصه هستی نهاد و همگان از كارهای پیامبر(ص) نسبت به ایشان تعجب می نمودند. پیامبراكرم با آن مقام مادی و معنوی، خم شده و دستان دختر خود را می بوسید و به او احترام ویژه می گذاشت. البته خیلی ها به اشتباه تصور می كنند كه ارزش حضرت به خاطر این بوده است كه ایشان دختر نبوت، همسر ولایت و مادر امامت بوده اند. حال آنكه باید در نظر داشت كه ایشان شایستگی و ارزش آن را داشته كه در این مسندها جای گرفته است.

با بررسی تاریخ روز مباهله پی می بریم كه خود حضرت زهرا(س) آن قابلیت را داشته و از مقام والای معنوی برخوردار بودند كه به همراه پیامبر(ص) به مباهله می روند. چرا كه در درگاه الهی قرب داشته و دعا یا نفرین ایشان به استجابت می رسید.

مباهله با مسیحیان نجران كار ساده ای نبود كه با هر زن و مرد عادی بتوان آن را به اجرا درآورد بلكه افراد شركت كننده در مباهله باید به درجه ای از حق و یقین رسیده باشند كه خدای  متعادل درخواست آنان را پاسخ گوید.

این كه حضرت صدیقه طاهره علیهاالسلام در مراسم مباهله شركت داشته، حاكی از عظمت شخصیت ایشان می باشد.

سند آیه مباهله

غالب مفسران و محدثان شیعه و اهل تسنن تصریح كرده اند كه آیه مباهله در حق اهل بیت پیامبر صلی الله علیه و آله نازل شده است و پیامبر تنها كسانی را كه همراه خود به میعادگاه برد فرزندانش حسن و حسین و دخترش فاطمه و علی علیهم السلام بودند.

برخی از مفسران اهل تسنن كه در اقلیت هستند، كوشیده اند كه ورود احادیث واقعه ی روز مباهله را در این زمینه كه در عظمت اهل بیت علیهم السلام بوده است، انكار نمایند. ولی با مراجعه به مسانید و منابع اهل تسنن دیده می شود كه بسیاری از آنان احادیثی ذكر نموده اند بنابر این نظر كه قضیه تاریخی مباهله مربوط به پیامبراكرم، حضرت علی، حسنین و حضرت زهرا علیهم السلام می باشد.

برای اثبات این حرف، برخی از روایات آنان را در این باب با ذكر مدارك ذكر می نماییم.

” قاضی نورالله شوشتری” در جلد سوم از كتاب نفیس” احقاق الحق” طبع جدید صحفه 46 چنین می گوید: ” مفسران در این مسئله اتفاق نظر دارند كه ” ابناء نا” در آیه فوق اشاره به حسن و حسین علیهماالسلام و ” نساء نا” اشاره به فاطمه علیهاالسلام و” انفسنا” اشاره به علی علیه السلام است.

سپس- در پاورقی كتاب مزبور- در حدود شصت  نفر از بزرگان اهل سنت ذكر شده اند كه تصریح نموده اند آیه مباهله درباره اهل بیت علیهم السلام نازل شده است و نام آنها و مشخصات كتب آنها را از صفحه 46 تا 76 مشروحاً آورده است.

از جمله شخصیتهای سرشناسی كه این مطلب از آنها نقل شده افراد زیر هستند:

1. ” مسلم بن حجاج نیشابوری” صاحب ” صحیح” معروف كه از كتب شش گانه مورد اعتماد اهل سنت است. در جلد 7 صفحه 120.

2. ” احمد بن حنبل” در كتاب ” مسند” جلد1، صفحه 185.

3. ” طبری” در تفسیر معروفش در ذیل همین آیه، جلد سوم، صفحه 192.

4. ” حاكم” در كتاب ” مستدرك” جلد سوم، صفحه 150.

5. ” حافظ ابونعیم اصفهانی” در كتاب ” دلائل النبوة” صفحه 297.

6. ” واحدی نیشابوری” در كتاب” اسباب النزول”، صفحه 74.

7. ” فخر رازی” در تفسیر معروفش، جلد8، صفحه85.

8. ” ابن اثیر” در كتاب ” جامع الاصول”، جلد 9، صفحه 470.

9. ” ابن جوزی” در ” تذكرة الخواص” صفحه 17.

10. ” طنطاوی” مفسر معروف در تفسیر” الجواهر” جلد دوم، صفحه 120.

11. ” زمخشری” در تفسیر” كشاف” جلد1، صفحه 193.

مدينه اولين باري است كه ميهماناني چنين غريبه را به خود مي‌بيند. كارواني متشكل از شصت ميهمان ناآشنا كه لباس‌هاي بلند مشكي پوشيده‌اند، به گردنشان صليب آويخته‌اند، كلاه‌هاي جواهرنشان بر سر گذاشته‌اند، زنجيرهاي طلا به كمر بسته‌اند و انواع و اقسام طلا و جواهرات را بر لباس‌هاي خود نصب كرده‌اند.
وقتي اين شصت نفر براي ديدار با پيامبر، وارد مسجد مي‌شوند، همه با حيرت و تعجب به آنها نگاه مي‌كنند. اما پيامبر بي‌اعتنا از كنار آنان مي‌گذرد و از مسجد بيرون مي‌رود هم هيأت ميهمانان و هم مسلمانان، از اين رفتار پيامبر، غرق در تعجب و شگفتي مي‌شوند. مسلمانان تا كنون نديده‌اند كه پيامبر مهربانشان به ميهمانان بي‌توجهي كند به همين دليل، وقتي سرپرست هيأت مسيحي علت بي‌اعتنايي پيامبر را سؤال مي‌كند، هيچ كدام از مسلمانان پاسخي براي گفتن پيدا نمي‌كنند.
تنها راهي كه به نظر مي‌رسد، اين است كه علت اين رفتار پيامبر را از حضرت علي بپرسند، چرا كه او نزديك‌ترين فرد به پيامبر و آگاه‌ترين، نسبت به دين و سيره و سنت اوست. مشكل، مثل هميشه به دست علي حل مي‌شود. پاسخ او اين است كه:

«پيامبر با تجملات و تشريفات، ميانه‌اي ندارند؛ اگر مي‌خواهيد مورد توجه و استقبال پيامبر قرار بگيريد، بايد اين طلاجات و جواهرات و تجملات را فروبگذاريد و با هيأتي ساده، به حضور ايشان برسيد.»
اين رفتار پيامبر، هيأت ميهمان را به ياد پيامبرشان، حضرت مسيحي مي‌اندازد كه خود با نهايت سادگي مي‌زيست و پيروانش را نيز به رعايت سادگي سفارش مي‌كرد.
آنان از اين كه مي‌بينند، در رفتار و كردار، اين همه از پيامبرشان فاصله گرفته‌اند، احساس شرمساري مي‌كنند. ميهمانان مسيحي وقتي جواهرات و تجملات خود را كنار مي‌گذارند و با هيأتي ساده وارد مسجد مي‌شوند، پيامبر از جاي برمي‌خيزد و به گرمي از آنان استقبال مي‌كند. شصت دانشمند مسيحي، دور تا دور پيامبر مي‌نشينند و پيامبر به يكايك آنها خوشامد مي‌گويد، در ميان اين شصت نفر، كه همه از پيران و بزرگان مسيحي نجران هستند،‌ «ابوحارثه» اسقف بزرگ نجران و «شرحبيل» نيز به چشم مي‌خورند. پيداست كه سرپرستي هيأت را ابوحارثه اسقف بزرگ نجران، بر عهده دارد. او نگاهي به شرحبيل و ديگر همراهان خود مي‌اندازد و با پيامبر شروع به سخن گفتن مي‌كند: «چندي پيش نامه‌اي از شما به دست ما رسيد، آمديم تا از نزديك، حرف‌هاي شما را بشنويم».
پيامبر مي‌فرمايد:
«آنچه من از شما خواسته‌ام، پذيرش اسلام و پرستش خداي يگانه است».
و براي معرفي اسلام، آياتي از قرآن را برايشان مي‌خواند.
اسقف اعظم پاسخ مي‌دهد: «اگر منظور از پذيرش اسلام، ايمان به خداست، ما قبلاً به خدا ايمان آورده‌ايم و به احكام او عمل مي‌كنيم.»
پيامبر مي‌فرمايد:
«پذيرش اسلام، علايمي دارد كه با آنچه شما معتقديد و انجام مي‌دهيد، سازگاري ندارد. شما براي خدا فرزند قائليد و مسيح را خدا مي‌دانيد، در حالي كه اين اعتقاد،‌ با پرستش خداي يگانه متفاوت است.»
اسقف براي لحظاتي سكوت مي‌كند و در ذهن دنبال پاسخي مناسب مي‌گردد. يكي ديگر از بزرگان مسيحي كه اسقف را درمانده در جواب مي‌بيند، به ياري‌اش مي‌آيد و پاسخ مي‌دهد:
«مسيح به اين دليل فرزند خداست كه مادر او مريم، بدون اين كه با كسي ازدواج كند، او را به دنيا آورد. اين نشان مي‌دهد كه او بايد خداي جهان باشد.»
پيامبر لحظه‌اي سكوت مي‌كند.
ناگهان فرشته وحي نازل مي‌شود و پاسخ اين كلام را از جانب خداوند براي پيامبر مي‌آورد. پيامبر بلافاصله پيام خداوند را براي آنان بازگو مي‌كند: «وضع حضرت عيسي در پيشگاه خداوند، همانند حضرت آدم است كه او را به قدرت خود از خاك آفريد…»1
و توضيح مي‌دهد كه «اگر نداشتن پدر دلالت بر خدايي كند، حضرت آدم كه نه پدر داشت و نه مادر، بيشتر شايسته مقام خدايي است. در حالي كه چنين نيست و هر دو بنده و مخلوق خداوند هستند.»
لحظات به كندي مي‌گذرد، همه سرها را به زير مي‌اندازند و به فكر فرو مي‌روند. هيچ يك از شصت دانشمند مسيحي، پاسخي براي اين كلام پيدا نمي‌كنند. لحظات به كندي مي‌گذرد؛ دانشمندان يكي يكي سرهايشان را بلند مي‌كنند و در انتظار شنيدن پاسخ به يكديگر نگاه مي‌كنند، به اسقف اعظم، به شرحبيل؛ اما… سكوت محض.
عاقبت اسقف اعظم به حرف مي‌آيد:
«ما قانع نشديم. تنها راهي كه براي اثبات حقيقت باقي مي‌ماند، اين است كه با هم مباهله كنيم. يعني ما و شما دست به دعا برداريم و از خداوند بخواهيم كه هر كس خلاف مي‌گويد‌، به عذاب خداوند گرفتار شود.»
پيامبر لحظه‌اي مي‌ماند. تعجب مي‌كند از اينكه اينان اين استدلال روشن را نمي‌پذيرند و مقاومت مي‌كنند. مسيحيان چشم به دهان پيامبر مي‌دوزند تا پاسخ او را بشنوند.
در اين حال، باز فرشته وحي فرود مي‌آيد و پيام خداوند را به پيامبر مي‌رساند. پيام اين است:
«هر كس پس از روشن شدن حقيقت، با تو به انكار و مجادله برخيزد، [به مباهله دعوتش كن] بگو بياييد، شما فرزندانتان را بياوريد و ما هم فرزندانمان، شما زنانتان را بياوريد و ما هم زنانمان. شما جان‌هايتان را بياوريد و ما هم جان‌هايمان،‌ سپس با تضرع به درگاه خدا رويم و لعنت او را بر دروغگويان طلب كنيم.»2
پيامبر پس از انتقال پيام خداوند به آنان، اعلام مي‌كند كه من براي مباهله آماده‌ام. دانشمندان مسيحي به هم نگاه مي‌كنند، پيداست كه برخي از اين پيشنهاد اسقف رضايتمند نيستند، اما انگار چاره‌اي نيست.
زمان مراسم مباهله، صبح روز بعد و مكان آن صحراي بيرون مدينه تعيين مي‌شود.
دانشمندان مسيحي موقتاً با پيامبر خداحافظي مي‌كنند و به اقامت‌گاه خود باز مي‌گردند تا براي مراسم مباهله آماده شوند.
صبح است، شصت دانشمند مسيحي در بيرون مدينه ايستاده‌اند و چشم به دروازه مدينه دوخته‌اند تا محمد با لشكري از ياران خود، از شهر خارج شود و در مراسم مباهله حضور پيدا كند.
تعداد زيادي از مسلمانان نيز در كنار دروازه شهر و در اطراف مسيحيان و در طول مسير صف كشيده‌اند تا بينندة اين مراسم بي‌نظير و بي‌سابقه باشند.
نفس‌ها در سينه حبس شده و همه چشم‌ها به دروازه مدينه خيره شده است.
لحظات انتظار سپري مي‌شود و پيامبر در حالي كه حسين را در آغوش دارد و دست حسن را در دست، از دروازه مدينه خارج مي‌شود. پشت سر او تنها يك مرد و زن ديده مي‌شوند. اين مرد علي است و اين زن فاطمه.
تعجب و حيرت، همراه با نگراني و وحشت بر دل مسيحيان سايه مي‌افكند.
شرحبيل به اسقف مي‌گويد: نگاه كن. او فقط دختر، داماد و دو نوة خود را به همراه آورده است.
اسقف كه صدايش از التهاب مي‌لرزد، مي‌گويد:
«همين نشان حقانيت است. به جاي اين كه لشكري را براي مباهله بياورد، فقط عزيزان و نزديكان خود را آورده است، پيداست به حقانيت دعوت خود مطمئن است كه عزيزترين كسانش را سپر بلا ساخته است.»
شرحبيل مي‌گويد: «ديروز محمد گفت كه فرزندانمان و زنانمان و جان‌هايمان. پيداست كه علي را به عنوان جان خود همراه آورده است.»
«آري، علي براي محمد از جان عزيزتر است. در كتاب‌هاي قديمي ما، نام او به عنوان وصي و جانشين او آمده است…»
در اين حال، چندين نفر از مسيحيان خود را به اسقف مي‌رسانند و با نگراني و اضطراب مي‌گويند:
«ما به اين مباهله تن نمي‌دهيم. چرا كه عذاب خدا را براي خود حتمي مي‌شماريم.»
چند نفر ديگر ادامه مي‌دهند: «مباهله مصلحت نيست. چه بسا عذاب، همه مسيحيان را در بر بگيرد.»
كم‌كم تشويش و ولوله در ميان تمام دانشمندان مسيحي مي‌افتد و همه تلاش مي‌كنند كه به نحوي اسقف را از انجام اين مباهله بازدارند.
اسقف به بالاي سنگي مي‌رود، به اشاره دست، همه را آرام مي‌كند و در حالي كه چانه و موهاي سپيد ريشش از التهاب مي‌لرزد، مي‌گويد:
«من معتقدم كه مباهله صلاح نيست. اين پنج چهره نوراني كه من مي‌بينم، اگر دست به دعا بردارند، كوه‌ها را از زمين مي‌كنند، در صورت وقوع مباهله، نابودي ما حتمي است و چه بسا عذاب، همه مسيحيان جهان را در بر بگيرد.»
اسقف از سنگ پايين مي‌آيد و با دست و پاي لرزان و مرتعش، خود را به پيامبر مي‌رساند. بقيه نيز دنبال او روانه مي‌شوند.
اسقف در مقابل پيامبر، با خضوع و تواضع، سرش را به زير مي‌افكند و مي‌گويد: «ما را از مباهله معاف كنيد. هر شرطي كه داشته باشيد، قبول مي‌كنيم.»
پيامبر با بزرگواري و مهرباني، انصراف‌شان را از مباهله مي‌پذيرد و مي‌پذيرد كه به ازاي پرداخت ماليات، از جان و مال آنان و مردم نجران، در مقابل دشمنان، محافظت كند.
خبر اين واقعه، به سرعت در ميان مسيحيان نجران و ديگر مناطق پخش مي‌شود و مسيحيان حقيقت‌جو را به مدينة پيامبر سوق مي‌دهد.

«همانا مثل خلقت عيسي از جانب خداوند همانند خلقت آدم ابوالبشر است كه خدا او را از خاك بساخت، سپس بدان خاك گفت بشري به حد كمال باش. هماندم چنان گشت. سخن حق همانست كه از جانب خداوند به تو رسيد مبادا كه هيچ‌گاه در آن شك و ريب‌ كني. پس هر كس با تو در مقام مجادله برآيد بعد از آگاهي تو به او بگو بياييد ما و شما فرزندان و زنانمان را بخوانيم و در دعا و التجا به درگاه خدا اصرار كنيم تا دروغگو و كافران را به لعن و عذاب خدا گرفتار سازيم. اين داستان به حقيقت سخن حق است و جز آن خداي يكتا خداي نيست و خداست كه بر همه كار توانا و به همه حقايق داناست. (سوره آل‌ عمران، 59-61)

پذيرش اديان و قبول انديشه الهي به عنوان آنچه كه آدمي را از سردر گمي‌هاي پيچ‌درپيچ زندگي مي‌رهاند و به سوي آگاهي رهايي بخش رهنمون مي‌كند هيچ‌گاه از سوي پيامبران و امامان و نايبان آن‌ها به اجبار نبوده است و انتخاب زندگي در روشني و سفيدي و يا در وجه مقابل آن تاريكي و ظلمت به انتخاب خود انسان وابسته است. اينگونه است كه مسئوليت تمامي اعمال آدمي و چگونگي حيات آينده را مستقيماً خود فرد مشخص كرده و دورنماي لحظات آينده براي هر كسي از چگونگي رفتارها و ايده آلهايش در زمان حال مشخص مي‌‌شود.

در پذيرش عقايد ديني آدميان هيچ‌گاه به تقليد و پذيرش بدون قيد و شرط تشويق نشده بلكه همواره خطاب رسولان الهي به مردم براي اينكه راه و رسم پيشين زندگي‌شان را تغيير دهند و پا در مسير بهتر و متعالي‌تري بگذارند رجوع به عقل و دلشان است، يعني دو ابزاري كه صداي بيدار و آگاهي درون صادق انسان به حساب آمده كه اگر ابراز وجودشان محدود به نيازهاي گذراي آدمي نگردد مي‌توانند حركت آدمي را در جهت درست تا رسيدن به مقصد هدايت كنند كه عبور از دقايق ناپايدار زندگي و رسيدن به نهايتي هر چند اندك براي انسان ارمغان آورنده آرامشي ماندگار است.

با نگاه و تعمق به تاريخ حيات انسان‌ها و نخستين انديشه‌ورزي‌هاي ابتدايي‌شان مي‌توان به روشني دريافت كه انسان از زماني كه چشم به روي جهان گوناگوني‌ها مي‌گشايد و سعي مي‌كند تا حضور خودش را به اثبات و نيازهاي زندگي‌اش را مرتفع كند هيچ‌گاه خودش را تنها و محصور نمي‌داند بلكه به شكلي ذاتي خويشتن را وابسته به نيرويي مافوق تصور همه چيز مي‌داند كه بي‌اختيار به او وابسته است و بودنش را در پرتو اشارات ناديدني او درك مي‌كند كه به سوي كمال در حركتي مداوم است و عقل و دل آدمي هم وجود اين ذات بي‌منتها را مدام به انسان يادآوري مي‌كنند.

با اين بيان شايد تصور شود كه عقل و دل آدمي هميشه با هم و در جهت عمق بخشيدن نگاهش به زندگي همسو هستند، اما در گستره انديشه ورزي و دين‌مداري انسان‌ها نزاع عقل و دل خود حكايت گفتني دارد و اينكه گاه حقايق به نفع عقل و گاه به سود دل مصادره مي‌شوند و در نهايت آنچه در پرده مخفي مي‌ماند تشخيص درستي از نادرستي است.

يكي از اموري كه رسولان الهي همواره مردم را به آن دعوت كرده‌اند بيداري عقل و دلشان از خواب غفلت است كه بتوانند در بحبوحه شك و ترديدها حقيقت را تشخيص دهند و از پيمودن راه درست منحرف نگردند. اين امر به ويژه در زمان حيات و حضور رسولان الهي در ميان مردم اهميت بيشتري مي‌يافت چرا كه جامعه اسلامي در مراحل اوليه شكل‌گيري قرار داشت و دشمني‌ها هم براي ضربه‌زدن به اركان و مباني آن بيشتر احساس مي‌‌شد.

واقعه مباهله هم در زماني به وقوع پيوست كه نبي‌اكرم در مدينه به تبليغ دين اسلام و عرضه آيات الهي مي‌پرداختند تا اصول و مباني ديني را با تلاش‌هاي مستمرشان بنا نهند كه كامل‌تر از اديان پيشين مي‌خواست سعادت دنيوي و اخروي انسان‌ها را تضمين كند به شرط آنكه مردم با بهره‌گيري از قوه تشخيص عقل و دلشان حقيقت و درستي را تشخيص داده و دستورهاي الهي آن را اجرا كنند و نزاع ديرين عقل و دل باعث قرباني شدن حقيقت به پاي اهداف ناپايدار زندگي دنيا نگردد كه اين امر به درايت و ايمان قاطع و صيقل خورده رسول خدا به مانند بسياري امور ديگر كه دشمنان اساس دين خدا را مورد شك و ترديد قرار مي‌دادند متحقق گشت و حقانيت دين الهي و رسول خدا و خاندان پاكش بيش از پيش بر مردم آشكار گشت.

معناي مباهله

مباهله به معناي رهاكردن و قيد و بند چيزي را برداشتن است، همان طور كه ابتهال در دعا يعني تضرع و زاري به درگاه باريتعالي و واگذاري امور به او تا خود هر طور كه صلاح مي‌داند به كارها سر و سامان دهد. مفهوم متداول مباهله به معناي نفرين كردن دو نفر به يكديگر است و اينكه وقتي در بيان حقيقت مسأله‌اي از دين، عقل و استدلال و آيات روشن الهي كارگر نمي‌افتد دو گروهي كه هر كدام نظر خود را دارند در محلي جمع مي‌شوند و به درگاه خداوند دعا و تضرع مي‌كنند تا خود حقيقت را آشكار و دروغگويان را رسوا سازد و مجازات كند.

اصل ماجرا

در واقعه مباهله هم كه قبلاً در ميان عرب سابقه نداشت و با به وقوع پيوستن آن ايمان و صدق دعوت پيامبر(ص) بر همگان آشكار گشت و پيامبر(ص) به وسيله آن خاصان و نزديكان خود را كه نگاهدارنده دين الهي بودند به مردم شناساند، هيئتي از مسيحيان نجران به اتفاق چند نفر از روسا و بزرگان خود به نمايندگي براي گفتگو به نزد رسول الله آمدند تا درباره دعوت پيامبر(ص) آگاهي يافته و سؤالات خود كه اساسي‌ترين‌شان درباره جايگاه حضرت عيسي بود را با ايشان در ميان گذاشته و پاسخي لازم و قانع‌كننده را دريافت كنند، اما وقتي پيامبر(ص) با منطق و استدلال و بيان آيات الهي چگونگي دعوت و رسالت خويش را بر آن‌ها عرضه و ديدگاه صحيح و به حق را درباره ابعاد وجودي حضرت عيسي بر ايشان بيان كرد، مسيحيان نپذيرفته و بدون هيچ دليل قانع كننده‌اي بر حرف خويش پافشاري كرده و راه لجبازي را در پيش گرفتند.

رسول خدا از آن‌ها خواست تا به مانند خود ايشان فرزندان و زنان و نفوس‌شان را در محلي گرد هم آورند و در آنجا در مقابل همگان از خداوند بخواهند تا حقيقت را روشن نموده و دروغگويان را به عذاب برساند. در روز موعود پيامبر(ص) تنها با اهل‌بيت خود علي (عليه‌السلام) و فاطمه (س) و حسنين بدون اينكه جمعيت را همراه خود كنند در محل مقرر حضور پيدا كردند. مسيحيان كه از پيش قرار گذاشته بودند كه اگر پيامبر(ص) با جمعيتي بزرگ و سر و صدا پا به عرصه مباهله نهادند به هيچ عنوان عقب‌نشيني نكرده و مبارزه كنند وقتي آرامش و قاطعيت رسول خدا كه تنها به همراه اهل‌بيتش به سراغ آن‌ها آمده بود مشاهده كردند مباهله نكردند و راه مصالحه در پيش گرفته و به شرايط ذمه تن در دادند. اين‌گونه شد كه پيامبر(ص) به مانند بسيار صحنه‌هاي ديگر مواجه‌شان با شكاكان پيروز شدند و ثمره آن را براي هميشه براي اسلام و پيروان آن باقي گذاشتند.

مسيحيان نجران از رسول ‌الله چه پرسيدند؟ و پاسخ پيامبر(ص)

مسيحيان نجران با دو پرسش اساسي به نزد پيامبر(ص) آمدند و آن اينكه رسول خدا آن‌ها را به چه چيز دعوت مي‌كند؟ و اصرار بر اينكه عيسي (عليه‌السلام) چون از پدري زاده نشده داراي مقام الوهيت و ويژگي‌ فوق بشري و به تعبير آن‌ها فرزند خداست. رسول ‌الله در پاسخ  مسيحيان آن‌ها را به پرستش خداي يگانه دعوت كرد و اينكه ايشان رسالت دارند مردم را از پرستش بت‌ها بر حذر داشته و به سوي پروردگار عالميان فراخوانند و اينكه عيسي (عليه‌السلام) هم بنده‌اي از بندگان خداست و حالات بشري داشته و نبايد صفت الوهيت و فرزند خدا بودن را براي ايشان قائل شد.

همان گونه كه خداوند در آيه 59 سوره آل عمران صراحتاً به اين امر اشاره كرده و هيچ‌گونه شك و ترديد را در آن جايز ندانسته و به عنوان مثال در همين آيه به آدم ابوالبشر اشاره شده كه تنها به اراده پروردگار و بدون هيچ پدر و مادري از خاك حيات يافت و اگر اين امر دليل بر الوهيت و مقامي مافوق بشري بود به حتم آدم ابوالبشر بر عيسي (عليه‌السلام) اولي‌تر بود كه هيچ‌گاه اين‌گونه نشد و به او مقام الوهيت تعلق نگرفت.

تأثيرات خارجي مباهله

وقتي پيامبر(ص) خدا با توكل به ايمان ناب و استوارشان تنها با چهار نفر از خاصان ونزديكانشان در مقابل ديدگان همه مباهله را پذيرفتند بيش از پيش حقانيت دين اسلام  در دعوت به پرستش خداي يكتا و دوري از شك و ترديد بر همگان به ويژه اعراب و مسيحيان آشكار گشت و همچنين رسول‌الله اهل‌بيت خودش را كه آن‌ها نيز مانند خودشان امانتدار اسرار الهي بودند به طور رسمي به مردم معرفي كردند تا سرآمدان خاندان نبوي و امامت به حق فرزندانشان را به مسلمانان بشارت دهند. آنچه كه تا امروز همچنان به عنوان مستمسك همه دل‌شكستگان و حقيقت‌جويان براي پذيرفته‌شدن در درگاه بنده نواز الهي پاس داشته مي‌شود

” نجران” بخش با صفایی با هفتاد دهكده تابع خود، در نقطه مرزی حجاز و یمن قرار گرفته است. در آغاز طلوع اسلام، این نقطه تنها منطقه مسیحی نشین حجاز بود.

پیامبراسلام(ص) در سال های اول رسالت خود، با سران كشورهای جهان مكاتبه كرد و بدین وسیله آنها را به دین مبین اسلام دعوت نمود. در این بین نامه ای نیز به اسقف نجران نوشت و طی آن مسیحیان نجران را به آئین اسلام دعوت نمود.

« به نام خدای ابراهیم، اسحاق و یعقوب. این نامه ای است از محمد پیامبرخدا به اسقف نجران. خدای ابراهیم و اسحاق و یعقوب را حمد و ستایش می كنم و شما را از پرستش بندگان، به پرستش خدا دعوت می نمایم. شما را دعوت می كنم كه از ولایت بندگان خدا خارج شوید و در ولایت خداوند وارد آیید، اگر دعوت مرا نپذیرفتید(لااقل) باید به حكومت اسلامی مالیات(جزیه) بپردازید و در غیر این صورت به شما اعلام خطر می شود.»

نمایندگان پیامبراكرم، نامه ایشان را به اسقف مسیحیان نجران رساندند. وی پس از خواندن نامه، شورایی مركب از شخصیت های مذهبی و غیرمذهبی تشكیل داد كه وارد مدینه شوند و از نزدیك با پیامبر صلی الله علیه و آله دیدار كنند و دلایل نبوت ایشان را مورد بررسی قرار دهند.

دیدار نمایندگان نجران با پیامبراكرم(ص)

نمایندگان نجران پس از دیدار با پیامبر با ایشان به مباحثه و تبادل نظرات و افكار پرداختند  و در مورد حضرت مسیح و حضرت مریم و خدا به گفتگو نشستند، كه در نهایت آنان به پیامبر(ص) گفتند: گفتگوهای شما ما را قانع نمی كند. در این هنگام حضرت جبرئیل نازل گردید، و آیه مباهله را آورد و پیامبر را مأمور كرد تا با كسانی كه با او مجادله می كنند و حق را نمی پذیرند به مباهله برخیزد.

فرمان الهی از این قرار بود:” فمن حاجك فیه من بعد ما جاء ك من العلم فقل تعالوا ندع ابناء نا و ابناء كم و نساء نا و نساء كم و انفسنا و انفسكم ثم نبتهل فنجعل لعنة الله علی الكاذبین.”( آل عمران/61)

هرگاه بعد از علم و دانشی كه(درباره مسیح) به تو رسیده،(باز) كسانی با تو به محاجه و ستیز برخیزند، به آنها بگو:« بیایید ما فرزندان خود را دعوت كنیم، شما هم فرزندان خود را؛ ما زنان خویش را دعوت نماییم، شما هم زنان خود را؛ ما از نفوس خود دعوت كنیم، شما هم از نفوس خود؛ آنگاه مباهله كنیم؛ و لعنت خدا را بر دروغگویان قرار دهیم.»

نمایندگان نجران از پیامبر وقت خواستند و قرار شد فردای آن روز به مباهله بروند.

رسول اكرم با چه كسانی به مباهله می رود؟

وقت مباهله فرا رسید. قبلاً پیامبر و نمایندگان نجران، توافق كرده بودند كه مراسم مباهله در نقطه ای خارج از شهر مدینه، در دامنه صحرا انجام بگیرد.

اسقف مسیحی به نمایندگان نجران گفته بود در مراسم مباهله نگاه كنید، اگر محمد با فرزندان و خانواده اش برای مباهله آمد، از مباهله با او بترسید و اگر با یارانش آمد با او مباهله كنید، زیرا چیزی در بساط ندارد. پیامبراكرم(ص) به همراه حضرت علی، امام حسن و امام حسین و حضرت فاطمه علیهم السلام به سمت صحرا رفت.

از آن سو نمایندگان نجران در حالی كه اسقف آنها پیشاپیش حركت می كرد به محل رسیدند. وقتی پیامبر را دید، از همراهان ایشان پرسید، كه به او گفتند: این پسرعمو و داماد او و محبوبترین خلق خدا نزد او است و این دو پسر، فرزندان دختر او از علی علیه السلام هستند و آن بانوی جوان، دخترش فاطمه علیها السلام است كه عزیزترین مردم نزد او، و نزدیك ترین افراد به قلب او است. به اسقف گفته شد كه برای مباهله قدم پیش گذار.

اسقف گفت: نه، من مردی را می بینم كه نسبت به مباهله با كمال جرأت اقدام می كند و می ترسم راستگو باشد.

من چهره هایی را می بینم كه هرگاه دست به دعا بلند كنند و از درگاه الهی بخواهند كه بزرگترین كوهها را از جای بركند، فوراً اینطور خواهد شد. بنابراین، هرگز صحیح نیست ما با این افراد مباهله نماییم. زیرا بعید نیست كه همه ما نابود شویم، و ممكن است دامنه عذاب گسترش پیدا كند، و همه مسیحیان جهان را بگیرد و در روی زمین حتی یك مسیحی باقی نماند.

نمایندگان نجران وقتی كه دیدند پیامبراكرم(ص) نزدیكان و عزیزان خود را برای مباهله به همراه آورده است، دریافتند كه رسول الله(ص) به دعوت و دعای خود اعتقاد راسخ دارد، والا یك فرد مردد، عزیزان خود را در معرض بلای آسمانی و عذاب الهی قرار نمی دهد.

انصراف از مباهله

هیات نمایندگی نجران با دیدن وضع یاد شده، وارد شور شده و به اتفاق آراء تصویب كردند كه هرگز وارد مباهله نشوند، آنان حاضر شدند كه هر سال مبلغی به عنوان “جزیه” ( مالیات سالانه) بپردازند  و در برابر آن، حكومت اسلامی از جان و مال آنان دفاع كند. پیامبراكرم(ص) نیز رضایت خود را اعلام نمود و قضیه مباهله به اتمام رسید.

سپس پیامبراكرم(ص) فرمود: عذاب، سایه شوم خود را بر سر نمایندگان مردم نجران گسترده بود و اگر از در ملاعنه و مباهله وارد می شدند، صورت انسانی خود را از دست داده، و در آتشی كه در بیابان برافروخته می شد، می سوختند و دامنه عذاب به سرزمین نجران نیز كشیده می شد.

عظمت حضرت زهرا علیهاالسلام

درعربستان پیش از اسلام، زن هیچ جایگاهی نداشت. زن به عنوان كنیزی كه در خدمت مرد قرار می گرفت تا كارهای خانه اش را انجام دهد، ایفای وظیفه می نمود.

او در مسائل اجتماعی، اقتصادی، سیاسی و غیره حق دخالت و اظهارنظر نداشت. در چنین شرایطی بود كه اسلام ظهور نمود، دیگر به جنس انسان اهمیتی نمی داد بلكه انسانیت وی حائز اهمیت بود. زنان صاحب حق و حقوقی شدند و دیگر كمتر مورد ظلم قرار می گرفتند. در چنین شرایطی كه دختران زنده به گور می شدند و برای زنان در جامعه هیچ شخصیتی قائل نبودند. حضرت زهرا علیهاالسلام پا به عرصه هستی نهاد و همگان از كارهای پیامبر(ص) نسبت به ایشان تعجب می نمودند. پیامبراكرم با آن مقام مادی و معنوی، خم شده و دستان دختر خود را می بوسید و به او احترام ویژه می گذاشت. البته خیلی ها به اشتباه تصور می كنند كه ارزش حضرت به خاطر این بوده است كه ایشان دختر نبوت، همسر ولایت و مادر امامت بوده اند. حال آنكه باید در نظر داشت كه ایشان شایستگی و ارزش آن را داشته كه در این مسندها جای گرفته است.

با بررسی تاریخ روز مباهله پی می بریم كه خود حضرت زهرا(س) آن قابلیت را داشته و از مقام والای معنوی برخوردار بودند كه به همراه پیامبر(ص) به مباهله می روند. چرا كه در درگاه الهی قرب داشته و دعا یا نفرین ایشان به استجابت می رسید.

مباهله با مسیحیان نجران كار ساده ای نبود كه با هر زن و مرد عادی بتوان آن را به اجرا درآورد بلكه افراد شركت كننده در مباهله باید به درجه ای از حق و یقین رسیده باشند كه خدای  متعادل درخواست آنان را پاسخ گوید.

این كه حضرت صدیقه طاهره علیهاالسلام در مراسم مباهله شركت داشته، حاكی از عظمت شخصیت ایشان می باشد.

سند آیه مباهله

غالب مفسران و محدثان شیعه و اهل تسنن تصریح كرده اند كه آیه مباهله در حق اهل بیت پیامبر صلی الله علیه و آله نازل شده است و پیامبر تنها كسانی را كه همراه خود به میعادگاه برد فرزندانش حسن و حسین و دخترش فاطمه و علی علیهم السلام بودند.

برخی از مفسران اهل تسنن كه در اقلیت هستند، كوشیده اند كه ورود احادیث واقعه ی روز مباهله را در این زمینه كه در عظمت اهل بیت علیهم السلام بوده است، انكار نمایند. ولی با مراجعه به مسانید و منابع اهل تسنن دیده می شود كه بسیاری از آنان احادیثی ذكر نموده اند بنابر این نظر كه قضیه تاریخی مباهله مربوط به پیامبراكرم، حضرت علی، حسنین و حضرت زهرا علیهم السلام می باشد.

برای اثبات این حرف، برخی از روایات آنان را در این باب با ذكر مدارك ذكر می نماییم.

” قاضی نورالله شوشتری” در جلد سوم از كتاب نفیس” احقاق الحق” طبع جدید صحفه 46 چنین می گوید: ” مفسران در این مسئله اتفاق نظر دارند كه ” ابناء نا” در آیه فوق اشاره به حسن و حسین علیهماالسلام و ” نساء نا” اشاره به فاطمه علیهاالسلام و” انفسنا” اشاره به علی علیه السلام است.

سپس- در پاورقی كتاب مزبور- در حدود شصت  نفر از بزرگان اهل سنت ذكر شده اند كه تصریح نموده اند آیه مباهله درباره اهل بیت علیهم السلام نازل شده است و نام آنها و مشخصات كتب آنها را از صفحه 46 تا 76 مشروحاً آورده است.

از جمله شخصیتهای سرشناسی كه این مطلب از آنها نقل شده افراد زیر هستند:

1. ” مسلم بن حجاج نیشابوری” صاحب ” صحیح” معروف كه از كتب شش گانه مورد اعتماد اهل سنت است. در جلد 7 صفحه 120.

2. ” احمد بن حنبل” در كتاب ” مسند” جلد1، صفحه 185.

3. ” طبری” در تفسیر معروفش در ذیل همین آیه، جلد سوم، صفحه 192.

4. ” حاكم” در كتاب ” مستدرك” جلد سوم، صفحه 150.

5. ” حافظ ابونعیم اصفهانی” در كتاب ” دلائل النبوة” صفحه 297.

6. ” واحدی نیشابوری” در كتاب” اسباب النزول”، صفحه 74.

7. ” فخر رازی” در تفسیر معروفش، جلد8، صفحه85.

8. ” ابن اثیر” در كتاب ” جامع الاصول”، جلد 9، صفحه 470.

9. ” ابن جوزی” در ” تذكرة الخواص” صفحه 17.

10. ” طنطاوی” مفسر معروف در تفسیر” الجواهر” جلد دوم، صفحه 120.

11. ” زمخشری” در تفسیر” كشاف” جلد1، صفحه 193.

Profile of Changing Situation – 1992

‘movement’ in the Kashmir Valley and some parts of Jammu region acquired newer dimensions during 1991 with militants readjusting their strategy and tactics aimed at sustaining the militant ‘movement’ on a long-term basis. Unremitting targeted violence was combined with mass actions and greatly accented disruptive propaganda against India on the issue of alleged Human Rights violations to accentuate the feelings of alienation of Kashmiris. The emphasis on the Islamic content of the ‘movement’ continued unabated with renewed social reforms campaign by pro-Pakistan fundamentalist groups and continued use of religious places to sustain Islamic resurgence. The tentacles of subversion spread deeper to various sections of the social fabric – the press, bureaucracy, judiciary, police, other professionals and the trading community. There was no perceptible dilution in the level of sympathy and support of the print media in the Valley towards the ‘movement’. Occasional criticism of some facets of militancy were more intended to be corrective to ensure that the ‘movement’ did not degenerate into sheer terrorism. Intelligentia and overground sympathisers of the ‘movement’ kept guiding the militants from behind the scenes.

Since early 1991, there was a perceptible disenchantment among common people against growing criminalisation of the terrorist ‘movement’, increasing inter-group clashes which reflected in holding of some anti-militant demonstrations. However, not withstanding the growing manifestations of public resentment with violence and doubts over real Pakistani intentions, there was hardly any dilution in the overall anti-India public mood and fervour for ‘Azadi’. Simultaneously, Pakistan tightened its vicious grip over the ‘movement’ by abetting domination of outright pro-Pakistan militant groups like ‘Hizb-ul-Mujahideen’ (HuM), disciplining prominent centrist outfits like ‘Al Umar Mujahideen’ and ‘Ikhwan-ul-Musalmeen’ (IUM) and merger of two factions of J&K Peoples’ League and their armed wings as ‘Al Jehad Force.’ Militants demonstrated their determination by indulging in large-scale violence particularly targeted against security forces. The disturbing trend in the violence was the increase in kidnappings by militant outfits to secure release of their detained cadres and extort money. This trend gained momentum after the release of 9 hard-core militants of IUM in exchange of K. Doraiswamy on 20 August 1991. For the first time during the year, militants resorted to kidnapping of foreigners including Israelis.

Though the mass upsurge of early 1990 did not recur during 1991, militants organised other mass actions like ‘hartals’(strikes) and street comer ‘dharnas’(protests), particularly by women. The issue of Human Rights violations by security forces remained the most popular theme as it evoked spontaneous response and helped militants in sustaining the popular support for the ‘movement’. Intense and wide spread propaganda against India over this issue was also orchestrated in the USA, European countries and Islamic countries by secessionist Kashmiri expatriate groups. The Central Government, for the first time, offered holding of talks (February 1991) with militants and secessionists to find a solution to the ‘Kashmir issue’ within the frame-work of the Indian Constitution. The offer evoked a tough stance from militant outfits, who spelled out impossible conditions as prerequisites for talks. The militant groups escalated targeted violence, whenever the Government took steps to initiate the political process in the State.

In intensified but restrained operations, the security forces succeeded in entrenching themselves in militant infested localities of Srinagar city (Rainawari, Ali Kadal, Chattabal) and at some places in Baramulla and Anantnag districts during the later part of the year. Security forces also achieved impressive gains in their counter militant operations and recovered large quantity of weapons. The process of surrender which began in 1990, picked up with about 600 militants surrendering along with weapons before security forces. Though the exfiltration showed a decline, the quantum of transborder traffic and induction of weaponry remained at a high level.

‘movement’ in the Kashmir Valley and some parts of Jammu region acquired newer dimensions during 1991 with militants readjusting their strategy and tactics aimed at sustaining the militant ‘movement’ on a long-term basis. Unremitting targeted violence was combined with mass actions and greatly accented disruptive propaganda against India on the issue of alleged Human Rights violations to accentuate the feelings of alienation of Kashmiris. The emphasis on the Islamic content of the ‘movement’ continued unabated with renewed social reforms campaign by pro-Pakistan fundamentalist groups and continued use of religious places to sustain Islamic resurgence. The tentacles of subversion spread deeper to various sections of the social fabric – the press, bureaucracy, judiciary, police, other professionals and the trading community. There was no perceptible dilution in the level of sympathy and support of the print media in the Valley towards the ‘movement’. Occasional criticism of some facets of militancy were more intended to be corrective to ensure that the ‘movement’ did not degenerate into sheer terrorism. Intelligentia and overground sympathisers of the ‘movement’ kept guiding the militants from behind the scenes.

Since early 1991, there was a perceptible disenchantment among common people against growing criminalisation of the terrorist ‘movement’, increasing inter-group clashes which reflected in holding of some anti-militant demonstrations. However, not withstanding the growing manifestations of public resentment with violence and doubts over real Pakistani intentions, there was hardly any dilution in the overall anti-India public mood and fervour for ‘Azadi’. Simultaneously, Pakistan tightened its vicious grip over the ‘movement’ by abetting domination of outright pro-Pakistan militant groups like ‘Hizb-ul-Mujahideen’ (HuM), disciplining prominent centrist outfits like ‘Al Umar Mujahideen’ and ‘Ikhwan-ul-Musalmeen’ (IUM) and merger of two factions of J&K Peoples’ League and their armed wings as ‘Al Jehad Force.’ Militants demonstrated their determination by indulging in large-scale violence particularly targeted against security forces. The disturbing trend in the violence was the increase in kidnappings by militant outfits to secure release of their detained cadres and extort money. This trend gained momentum after the release of 9 hard-core militants of IUM in exchange of K. Doraiswamy on 20 August 1991. For the first time during the year, militants resorted to kidnapping of foreigners including Israelis.

Though the mass upsurge of early 1990 did not recur during 1991, militants organised other mass actions like ‘hartals’(strikes) and street comer ‘dharnas’(protests), particularly by women. The issue of Human Rights violations by security forces remained the most popular theme as it evoked spontaneous response and helped militants in sustaining the popular support for the ‘movement’. Intense and wide spread propaganda against India over this issue was also orchestrated in the USA, European countries and Islamic countries by secessionist Kashmiri expatriate groups. The Central Government, for the first time, offered holding of talks (February 1991) with militants and secessionists to find a solution to the ‘Kashmir issue’ within the frame-work of the Indian Constitution. The offer evoked a tough stance from militant outfits, who spelled out impossible conditions as prerequisites for talks. The militant groups escalated targeted violence, whenever the Government took steps to initiate the political process in the State.

In intensified but restrained operations, the security forces succeeded in entrenching themselves in militant infested localities of Srinagar city (Rainawari, Ali Kadal, Chattabal) and at some places in Baramulla and Anantnag districts during the later part of the year. Security forces also achieved impressive gains in their counter militant operations and recovered large quantity of weapons. The process of surrender which began in 1990, picked up with about 600 militants surrendering along with weapons before security forces. Though the exfiltration showed a decline, the quantum of transborder traffic and induction of weaponry remained at a high level.

The year 1992 witnessed a sharp rise in the level of violence with militants increasingly targeting the security forces. The year began with militant groups and people at large, irrespective of differences amongst them, unitedly opposing the ‘Ekta Yatra’ (26 January 1992) of the BJP, which gave a setback to the process ofnormalisation in the State. On the eve (24 January 1992) of the 

‘Ekta Yatra’, militants caused an explosion in the office of the Director General of Police, injuring him and 4 other senior police officers to express their determination to oppose it. The violence reached a peak level during the month of August when it was being speculated in the Valley that the Government of India was considering to hold elections in the State. There was a marked increase in arson incidents particularly burning of houses belonging to the minority community to deny security forces places of shelter in populated areas. Kidnapping of soft targets for extracting release of detained militants declined in the later half of the year with the Government taking a strong policy in this regard. The infiltration of new batches of Pakistan-trained militants continued, albeit at a slower rate. After the fall of the Najibullah Government in Afghanistan, a process of systematic propaganda was launched enxouraging infiltration of a large number of Afghan Mujahideen. By the end of the year, mercenaries had infiltrated into the state.

Sheer terrorism and criminality caused considerable change in the public mood and temper with people openly expressing resentment against militant actions including inter-group clashes, killing of innocent civilians, extortions, rape and mindless torching of property. The secessionist leaders namely SAS Gillani, A.G. Lone, Maulvi Abbas Ansari, Dr. Qazi Nisar and Prof. Abdul Ghani Butt, who were released in April 1992, made some efforts to give a political orientation to the ‘movement’. Almost all militant outfits including HuM and JKLF were of the view that armed struggle should be continued along with the political ‘movement’. Meanwhile, the Centre’s initiatives in the form of the Union Home Minister’s interaction (22/23 October) with opposition leaders at Delhi, visit of a Parliamentary delegation to Kashmir Valley (27/28 October) and holding of a conclave of former J&K legislators (7 November) in Delhi, created an impression that the Government of India was serious to initiate a political process in the State. In this scenario, an All Party Conference (27/28 December) at the instance of Maulvi Umar Farooq, Chairman, Awami Action Committee, was held to form a united political platform. The demolition of the disputed structure at Ayodhya (6 December) provided propaganda mileage to militant groups that Muslim interests were not safe in India.

Across the border, the JKLF (Amanullah) planned operations to cross the Line of Control (LoC) on 11 February and again on 30 March, which were aborted by Pakistani authorities. This brought about a strong indignation in the Valley and had resurrected JKLF, albeit temporarily. However, these events focussed international attention on Kashmir as a large number of foreign journalists reached POK to cover the events. The Pak/POK based JKLF subsequently decided to hold a ‘Kashmir Conference’ in POK on 1-3 July, which remained a non-starter as Pakistani authorities rejected permission to grant visa to Indian invitees. Similarly, the programme of major opposition political parties in POK to violate the LOC (24 October 1992) got all round support from different militant groups operating in the Valley. However, it passed off as a non event due to strict administrative measures taken by Pakistani authorities.

The Siachen Conflict, sometimes referred to as the Siachen War, is a military conflict between India and Pakistan over the disputed Siachen Glacier region in Kashmir. It began in 1984 with India’s Operation Meghdoot.The Siachen glacier is the highest battleground on earth, where India and Pakistan have fought intermittently since April 13, 1984. Both countries maintain permanent military presence in the region at a height of over 6,000 metres (20,000 ft). More than 2000 people have died in this inhospitable terrain, mostly due to weather extremes and the natural hazards of mountain warfare.

Basis

The conflict in Siachen stems from the incompletely demarcated territory on the map beyond the map coordinate known as NJ9842. The 1972 Simla Agreement did not clearly mention who controlled the glacier, merely stating that from the NJ9842 location the boundary would proceed “thence north to the glaciers.” UN officials presumed there would be no dispute between India and Pakistan over such a cold and barren region.

Oropolitics

In 1957 Pakistan permitted a British expedition under Eric Shipton to approach the Siachen through the Bilafond La, and recce Saltoro Kangri.Five years later a Japanese-Pakistani expedition put two Japanese and a Pakistani Army climber on top of Saltoro Kangri. These were early moves in this particular game of oropolitics.

The United States Defense Mapping Agency (now National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency) began in about 1967 to show, with no legal or historical justification or any boundary documentation, an international boundary on their Tactical Pilotage Charts available to the public and pilots as proceeding from NJ9842 east-northeast to the Karakoram Pass at 5,534 m (18,136 ft) on the China border. ^[9] Numerous governmental and private cartographers and atlas producers followed suit. This cartographic aggression resulted in the US cartographically “awarding” the entire 5,000 square kilometers (1,930 square miles) of the Siachen-Saltoro area to Pakistan.

In the 1970s and early 1980s several mountaineering expeditions applied to Pakistan to climb high peaks in the Siachen area due in part to U.S Defense Mapping Agency and most other maps and atlases showing it on the Pakistani side of the line. Pakistan granted a number of permits. This in turn reinforced the Pakistani claim on the area, as these expeditions arrived on the glacier with a permit obtained from the Government of Pakistan. Teram Kangri I (7,465 m/24,490 ft) and Teram Kangri II (7,406 m/24,300 ft) were climbed in 1975 by a Japanese expedition led by H. Katayama, which approached through Pakistan via the Bilafond La.

The Indian government and military took notice, and protested the cartography. Prior to 1984 neither India nor Pakistan had any permanent presence in the area. Having become aware of the errant US military maps and the permit incidents, Colonel N. Kumar, then commanding officer of the Indian Army’s High-Altitude Warfare School, mounted an Army expedition to the Siachen area as a counter-exercise. In 1978 this expedition climbed Teram Kangri II, claiming it as a first ascent in a typical ‘oropolitical’ riposte. Unusually for the normally secretive Indian Army, the news and photographs of this expedition were published in ‘The Illustrated Weekly of India’, a widely-circulated popular magazine

Fighting

The first public acknowledgment of the maneuvers and the developing conflict situation in the Siachen was an abbreviated article titled “High Politics in the Karakoram” by Joydeep Sircar in The Telegraph newspaper of Calcutta in 1982. The full text was re-printed as “Oropolitics” in the Alpine Journal, London, in 1984.

India launched Operation Meghdoot (named after the divine cloud messenger in a Sanskrit play by Kalidasa) on 13 April 1984 when the Kumaon Regiment of the Indian Army and the Indian Air Force went into the glacier region. Pakistan quickly responded with troop deployments and what followed was literally a race to the top. Within a few days, the Indians were in control of the area, as Pakistan was beaten to the Saltoro Ridge high ground by about a week. The two northern passes – Sia La and Bilafond La – were quickly secured by India. The contentious area is about 900 square miles (2,300 km²) to nearly 1,000 square miles (2,600 km²) of territory in India.  Since 1984 Pakistan has launched several attempts to displace the Indian forces, but with little success. The most well known was in 1987, when an attempt was made by Pakistan to dislodge India from the area. The attack was masterminded by Pervez Musharraf (later President of Pakistan) heading a newly raised elite SSG commando unit raised with United States Special Operations Forces help in the area.^[16] A special garrison with eight thousand troops was built at Khapalu. The immediate aim was to capture Bilafond La but after bitter fighting that included hand to hand combat, the Pakistanis were thrown back and the positions remained the same. The only Param Vir Chakra – India’s highest gallantry award – to be awarded for combat in the Siachen area went to Naib Subedar Bana Singh (retired as Subedar Major/Honorary Captain), who in a daring daylight raid assaulted and captured a Pakistani post atop a 22,000 foot (6,700 m) peak, now named Bana Post, after climbing a 457 m (1500 feet) ice cliff face.

Ground situation

In his memoirs, former Pakistani president General Pervez Musharraf states that Pakistan lost almost 900 square miles (2,300 km²) of territory that it claimed. TIME states that the Indian advance captured nearly 1,000 square miles (2,600 km²) of territory claimed by Pakistan.

Further attempts to reclaim positions were launched by Pakistan in 1990, 1995, 1996 and even in early 1999, just prior to the Lahore Summit. The 1995 attack by Pakistan SSG was significant as it resulted in 40 casualties for Pakistan troops without any changes in the positions. An Indian IAF MI-17 helicopter was shot down in 1996.

The Indian army controls all of the 70 kilometres (43 mi) long Siachen Glacier and all of its tributary glaciers, as well as the three main passes of the Saltoro Ridge immediately west of the glacier—Sia La, Bilafond La, and Gyong La—thus holding onto the tactical advantage of high ground.

The Pakistanis control the glacial valley just five kilometers southwest of Gyong La. The Pakistanis have been unable get up to the crest of the Saltoro Ridge, while the Indians cannot come down and abandon their strategic high posts.

The line between where Indian and Pakistani troops are presently holding onto their respective posts is being increasingly referred to as the Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL).

A cease fire went into effect in 2003. Even before then, every year more soldiers were killed because of severe weather than enemy firing. The two sides by 2003 had lost an estimated 2,000 personnel primarily due to frostbite, avalanches and other complications. Together, the nations have about 150 manned outposts along the glacier, with some 3,000 troops each. Official figures for maintaining these outposts are put at ~$300 and ~$200 million for India and Pakistan respectively. India built the world’s highest helipad on the glacier at Point Sonam, 21,000 feet (6,400 m) above the sea level, to supply its troops. India also installed the world’s highest telephone booth on the glacier

 

 

On 13th April 1977, head of Naqli Nirankaris named Gurbachan led a procession in Amritsar. Earlier he had declared that “If Guru Gobind Singh can make five beloved one’s., he will make seven stars” . Naqli Nirankaris are strongly associated with Arya Samajis and other such organization which came out of need to reform Hinduism, from its age old superstitions and rituals., but these movements instead of targeting common Hindu individuals spearheaded their movement against Sikhism. Arya Samajis and Naqli Nirankaris wanted Sikhs to start shaving and to drop their individuality and assimilate into Hinduism (or their form of Hinduism with rituals like “Havan”). So on this occasion of Vasakhi, Gurbachan Nirankari led a procession in Amritsar. Bhindrenwale at this time was a small time preacher, who would visit villages and preach to youngsters to adopt Sikh practices. Akhand Kirtani Jatha with its leaders set out from Akal Takht to stop Gurbachan Nirankari for his act of “Creating five stars”. Gurbachan and his armed accomplice fired at these Akalis and one by 13 Akalis were killed. 

On 13th April 1977, head of Naqli Nirankaris named Gurbachan led a procession in Amritsar. Earlier he had declared that “If Guru Gobind Singh can make five beloved one’s., he will make seven stars” . Naqli Nirankaris are strongly associated with Arya Samajis and other such organization which came out of need to reform Hinduism, from its age old superstitions and rituals., but these movements instead of targeting common Hindu individuals spearheaded their movement against Sikhism. Arya Samajis and Naqli Nirankaris wanted Sikhs to start shaving and to drop their individuality and assimilate into Hinduism (or their form of Hinduism with rituals like “Havan”). So on this occasion of Vasakhi, Gurbachan Nirankari led a procession in Amritsar. Bhindrenwale at this time was a small time preacher, who would visit villages and preach to youngsters to adopt Sikh practices. Akhand Kirtani Jatha with its leaders set out from Akal Takht to stop Gurbachan Nirankari for his act of “Creating five stars”. Gurbachan and his armed accomplice fired at these Akalis and one by 13 Akalis were killed.

  After this incident, Bhindrenwale’s reputation as a fierce emerging Sikh leader rose tremendously in Sikh political circles. From 1977 until 1983, Bhindrenwale led his agitation against Arya Samajis and other fanatic Hindu organizations who were working against Sikh and ncept of Punjabiat as well as many Sikhs who opposed him for his fanatical views. Many of his followers were young rural Sikhs, who had been disappointed with state and central government due to unemployment, poverty and other problems. After 3-4 years of trial, Gurbachan of Nirankari sect was acquitted by Indian court, even though more then 10 person testified against him in court, it was clearly evident that there were political heavy weights behind him. 

Till 1983 newspapers all over Punjab reported daily killings of innocent bystandards by armed brigades of young motor cycle driving terrorists who would suddenly appear and with one burst of machine gun kill few people. Congress Punjab government came out with a law banning the pillion(double) riding of a motor bike. Prominent Arya samaji leaders and news paper publishers of Hind Samachar group like Lala Jagat Narain was killed by unidentified persons and Government of India implicated Bhindrenwale and arrested him at Chowk Mehta in 1982, but he was released in two days. Then, in later half of 1982 he moved to Golden temple complex where he setup his headquarters in Guru Ram Das Sarai. In 1984 he moved to Akal Takht. Indira Gandhi and government of India declared president rule in Punjab and deployed 4 division of Army through out Punjab, in a desperate attempt to flush out Bhindrenwale and his accomplice from Golden Temple complex. Then it all started, I quote from much accomplished book called “Amritsar Mrs. Gandhi’s Last battle”, by Mark Tully and Satish Jacob “At Seven o’Clock on the evening of 5th June, tanks of the 16th Cavalry Regiment of the Indian army started moving up to the Golden Temple complex. They passed Jalianwala Bagh, the enclosed garden where General Dyer massacred nearly 400 people. That massacre dealt a mortal blow to Britain’s hopes of continuing to rule India and was one of the most inspirations of the freedom movement. When Mrs. Gandhi was told that Operation Blue Star had started,she must have wondered whether it would provide the decisive inspiration for the Sikh independence movement, a movement whch at that time had very little support outside Bhindrenwale’s entourage and small groups of Sikhs living in Britain, Canada and the United States. Major-General Brar was leading a mixed bag of troops, representative of the widespread recruiting pattern of the modern Indian army, which has broken with British tradition of limiting recruitment to certain ‘martial castes’. There were Dogras and Kumaonis from the foothills of the Himalayas, India’s northern border. There were Rajputs, the desert warriors from Rajasthan. There were Madrasis from Tamil Nadu, one of the most southern states. There were Biharis from the tribes of central India, and there were some Sikhs. Major Brar had joined Maratha Light infantry 30 years ago in 1954 as a lieutenant. He had fought in Bangladesh under Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the Sikh general who was most outspoken critic of the Operation Blue Star.”

Bhindrenwale and his group had moved to Akal Takht, the highest seat of Sikh authority few weeks before Army attack. He had been criticized for this act as he became the only person after Guru Hargobind to live in Akal Takht. He was obviously spearheading the last showdown with Indian army and had knowledge that sooner or later Army would attack and he himself wanted to go down in Sikh history as a martyr and not deserter or negotiator as other Akalis political leaders. He had support of Major General Shabeg Singh, unofficial hero of Bangladesh war., as well as thousands of rural Sikh youth.

Brar’s superior officer was Lt-General Krishnaswamy Sunderji, who asked his chief staff Officer, Lt-General Ranjit Singh Dayal, to draw up the plans for Operation Blue Star. Dayal, like Brar was a Sikh, but he had not shaved his beard or cut his hair, and still wore a turban. Dayal was also an infantry soldier, having served in the Ist Battalion, the Parachute Regiment, which was to spearhead the attack on the Golden Temple Complex. During the 1965 war with Pakistan, Dayal became legend by capturing a pass which had previously been thought to be impregnable, and blocking off one of the most important routes from Pakistan-Controlled Kashmir into Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. A frontal assault was impossible and so Lt-General Dayal climbed up the mountains towering over Haji Pir pass and came down on top of the Pakistanis.

Dayal, Sundarji and Brar drew up at twofold plan. The essence of this plan was to separate the hostel complex from the Temple complex so that the hostels could be evacuated without becoming involved in the main battle. To achieve the prime objective to get Bhindrenwale out of the temple complex they had planned a commando operations. Commandos were to be supported by infantry, Tanks were only to be used as platforms for machine guns to neutralize fire on troops approaching the Golden Temple complex, and to cover the Temple exits in case anyone tried to escape. Armored personnel carriers were to be positioned on the road separating the hostels from the Temple complex to keep the two potential battle fields apart.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Scholarly works

Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur was born in Delhi, then the capital of the Mughal Empire. His family is said to have migrated from Herat (now in Afghanistan in the time of emperor Akbar, although by other accounts his family descended from Arabia. Many generations of his family had since been highly connected with the Mughal administration. His maternal grandfather Khwaja Fariduddin served as wazir in the court of Akbar Shah II. His paternal grandfather Syed Hadi held a mansab, a high-ranking administrative position and honorary name of Jawwad Ali Khan in the court of Alamgir II. Sir Syed’s father Mir Muhammad Muttaqi was personally close to Akbar Shah II and served as his personal adviser However, Sir Syed was born at a time when rebellious governors, regional insurrections and the British colonialism had diminished the extent and power of the Mughal state, reducing its monarch to a figurehead status. With his elder brother Syed Muhammad Khan, Sir Syed was raised in a large house in a wealthy area of the city. They were raised in strict accordance with Mughal noble traditions and exposed to politics. Their mother Azis-un-Nisa played a formative role in Sir Syed’s life, raising him with rigid discipline with a strong emphasis on education. Sir Syed was taught to read and understand the Qur’an by a female tutor, which was unusual at the time. He received an education traditional to Muslim nobility in Delhi. Under the charge of Maulvi Hamiduddin, Sir Syed was trained in Persian, Arabic, Urdu and religious subjects. He read the works of Muslim scholars and writers such as Sahbai, Rumi and Ghalib. Other tutors instructed him in mathematics, astronomy and Islamic jurisprudence. Sir Syed was also adept at swimming, wrestling and other sports. He took an active part in the Mughal court’s cultural activities. His elder brother founded the city’s first printing press in the Urdu language along with the journal Sayyad-ul-Akbar. Sir Syed pursued the study of medicine for several years, but did not complete the prescribed course of study. Until the death of his father in 1838, Sir Syed had lived a life customary for an affluent young Muslim noble. Upon his father’s death, he inherited the titles of his grandfather and father and was awarded the title of Arif Jung by the emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar. Financial difficulties put an end to Sir Syed’s formal education, although he continued to study in private, using books on a variety of subjects. Sir Syed assumed editorship of his brother’s journal and rejected offers of employment from the Mughal court. Having recognised the steady decline in Mughal political power, Sir Syed entered the British East India Company’s civil service. He was appointed serestadar at the courts of law in Agra, responsible for record-keeping and managing court affairs.^{[citation needed]} In 1840, he was promoted to the title of munshi.

The Social Reformer was a pioneering publication initiated by Sir Syed to promote liberal ideas in Muslim society.

While continuing to work as a jurist, Sir Syed began focusing on writing, from the age of 23 (in 1840), on various subjects (from mechanics to educational issues), mainly in Urdu, where he wrote, at least, 6000 pages. His career as an author began when he published a series of treatises in Urdu on religious subjects in 1842. He published the book A’thar-as-sanadid (Great Monuments) documenting antiquities of Delhi dating from the medieval era. This work earned him the reputation of a cultured scholar. In 1842, he completed the Jila-ul-Qulub bi Zikr-il Mahbub and the Tuhfa-i-Hasan, along with the Tahsil fi jar-i-Saqil in 1844. These works focused on religious and cultural subjects. In 1852, he published the two works Namiqa dar bayan masala tasawwur-i-Shaikh and Silsilat ul-Mulk. He released the second edition of A’thar-as-sanadid in 1854. He also penned a commentary on the Bible — the first by a Muslim — in which he argued that Islam was the closest religion to Christianity, with a common lineage from Abrahamic religions.

Acquainted with high-ranking British officials, Sir Syed obtained close knowledge about British colonial politics during his service at the courts. At the outbreak of the Indian rebellion, on May 10, 1857, Sir Syed was serving as the chief assessment officer at the court in Bijnor. Northern India became the scene of the most intense fighting. The conflict had left large numbers of civilians dead. Erstwhile centres of Muslim power such as Delhi, Agra, Lucknow and Kanpur were severely affected. Sir Syed was personally affected by the violence and the ending of the Mughal dynasty amongst many other long-standing kingdoms. Sir Syed and many other Muslims took this as a defeat of Muslim society. He lost several close relatives who died in the violence. Although he succeeded in rescuing his mother from the turmoil, she died in Meerut, owing to the privations she had experience.

In 1858, he was appointed to a high-ranking post at the court in Muradabad, where he began working on his most famous literary work. Publishing the booklet Asbab-e-Bhaghawath-e-Hind in 1859, Sir Syed studied the causes of the revolt. In this, his most famous work, he rejected the common notion that the conspiracy was planned by Muslim élites, who were insecure at the diminishing influence of Muslim monarchs. Sir Syed blamed the British East India Company for its aggressive expansion as well as the ignorance of British politicians regarding Indian culture. However, he gained respect for British power, which he felt would dominate India for a long period of time. Seeking to rehabilitate Muslim political influence, Sir Syed advised the British to appoint Muslims to assist in administration. His other writings such as Loyal Muhammadans of India, Tabyin-ul-Kalam and A Series of Essays on the Life of Muhammad and Subjects Subsidiary Therein helped to create cordial relations between the British authorities and the Muslim community.Tafhimur rahman has further edited

 Muslim reformer

Through the 1850s, Syed Ahmed Khan began developing a strong passion for education. While pursuing studies of different subjects including European [jurisprudence], Sir Syed began to realise the advantages of Western-style education, which was being offered at newly-established colleges across India. Despite being a devout Muslim, Sir Syed criticised the influence of traditional dogma and religious orthodoxy, which had made most Indian Muslims suspicious of British influences. Sir Syed began feeling increasingly concerned for the future of Muslim communities. A scion of Mughal nobility, Sir Syed had been reared in the finest traditions of Muslim élite culture and was aware of the steady decline of Muslim political power across India. The animosity between the British and Muslims before and after the rebellion (Independence War) of 1857 threatened to marginalise Muslim communities across India for many generations. Sir Syed intensified his work to promote co-operation with British authorities, promoting loyalty to the Empire amongst Indian Muslims. Committed to working for the upliftment of Muslims, Sir Syed founded a modern madrassa in Muradabad in 1859; this was one of the first religious schools to impart scientific education. Sir Syed also worked on social causes, helping to organise relief for the famine-struck people of the North-West Frontier Province in 1860. He established another modern school in Ghazipur in 1863.

Upon his transfer to Aligarh in 1864, Sir Syed began working wholeheartedly as an educator. He founded the Scientific Society of Aligarh, the first scientific association of its kind in India. Modelling it after the Royal Society and the Royal Asiatic Society,Sir Syed assembled Muslim scholars from different parts of the country. The Society held annual conferences, disbursed funds for educational causes and regularly published a journal on scientific subjects in English and Urdu. Sir Syed felt that the socio-economic future of Muslims was threatened by their orthodox aversions to modern science and technology. He published many writings promoting liberal, rational interpretations of In face of pressure from religious Muslims, Sir Syed avoided discussing religious subjects in his writings, focusing instead on promoting education

The onset of the Hindi-Urdu controversy of 1867 saw the emergence of Sir Syed as a political leader of the Muslim community. He became a leading Muslim voice opposing the adoption of Hindi as a second official language of the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). Sir Syed perceived Urdu as the lingua franca of Muslims. Having been developed by Muslim rulers of India, Urdu was used as a secondary language to Persian, the official language of the Mughal court. Since the decline of the Mughal dynasty, Sir Syed promoted the use of Urdu through his own writings. Under Sir Syed, the Scientific Society translated Western works only into Urdu. The schools established by Sir Syed imparted education in the Urdu medium. The demand for Hindi, led largely by Hindus, was to Sir Syed an erosion of the centuries-old Muslim cultural domination of India. Testifying before the British-appointed education commission, Sir Syed controversially exclaimed that “Urdu was the language of gentry and Hindi that of the vulgar.” His remarks provoked a hostile response from Hindu leaders, who unified across the nation to demand the recognition of Hindi.

The success of the Hindi movement led Sir Syed to further advocate Urdu as the symbol of Muslim heritage and as the language of all Indian Muslims. His educational and political work grew increasingly centred around and exclusively for Muslim interests. He also sought to persuade the British to give Urdu extensive official use and patronage. His colleagues and protégés such as Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Maulvi Abdul Haq developed organisations such as the Urdu Defence Association and the Anjuman Taraqqi-i-Urdu, committed to the perpetuation of Urdu. Sir Syed’s protégé Shibli Nomani led efforts that resulted in the adoption of Urdu as the official language of the Hyderabad State and as the medium of instruction in the Osmania University. To Muslims in northern and western India, Urdu had become an integral part of political and cultural identity. However, the division over the use of Hindi or Urdu further provoked communal conflict between Muslims and Hindus in India.

On April 1, 1869, Sir Syed travelled to England, where he was awarded the Order of the Star of India from the British government on August 6. Travelling across England, he visited its colleges and was inspired by the culture of learning established after the Renaissance. Sir Syed returned to India in the following year determined to build a “Muslim Cambridge.” Upon his return, he organised the “Committee for the Better Diffusion and Advancement of Learning among Muhammadans” (Muslims) on December 26, 1870. Sir Syed described his vision of the institution he proposed to establish in an article written sometime in 1872 and re-printed in the Aligarh Institute Gazette of April 5, 1911:

I may appear to be dreaming and talking like Shaikh Chilli, but we aim to turn this MAO College into a University similar to that of Oxford or Cambridge. Like the churches of Oxford and Cambridge, there will be mosques attached to each College… The College will have a dispensary with a Doctor and a compounder, besides a Unani Hakim. It will be mandatory on boys in residence to join the congregational prayers (namaz) at all the five times. Students of other religions will be exempted from this religious observance. Muslim students will have a uniform consisting of a black alpaca, half-sleeved chugha and a red Fez cap… Bad and abusive words which boys generally pick up and get used to, will be strictly prohibited. Even such a word as a “liar” will be treated as an abuse to be prohibited. They will have food either on tables of European style or on chaukis in the manner of the Arabs… Smoking of cigarette or huqqa and the chewing of betels shall be strictly prohibited. No corporal punishment or any such punishment as is likely to injure a student’s self-respect will be permissible… It will be strictly enforced that Shia and Sunni boys shall not discuss their religious differences in the College or in the boarding house. At present it is like a day dream. I pray to God that this dream may come true.

By 1873, the committee under Sir Syed issued proposals for the construction of a college in Aligarh. He began publishing the journal Tahzib al-Akhlaq (Social Reformer) to spread awareness and knowledge on modern subjects and promote reforms in Muslim society. Sir Syed worked to promote reinterpretation of Muslim ideology in order to reconcile tradition with Western education. He argued in several books on Islam that the Qur’an rested on an appreciation of reason and natural law, making scientific inquiry important to being a good Muslim. Sir Syed established a modern school in Aligarh and, obtaining support from wealthy Muslims and the British, laid the foundation stone of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College on May 24, 1875. He retired from his career as a jurist the following year, concentrating entirely on developing the college and on religious reform. Sir Syed’s pioneering work received support from the British. Although intensely criticised by orthodox religious leaders hostile to modern influences, Sir Syed’s new institution attracted a large student body, mainly drawn from the Muslim gentry and middle classes. The curriculum at the college involved scientific and Western subjects, as well as Oriental subjects and religious education. The first chancellor was Sultan Shah Jahan Begum, a prominent Muslim noblewoman, and Sir Syed invited an Englishman, Theodore Beck, to serve as the first college principal. The college was originally affiliated with Calcutta University but was transferred to the Allahabad University in 1885. Near the turn of the 20th century, it began publishing its own magazine and established a law school. In 1920, the college was transformed into a university.

 Political career

In 1878, Sir Syed was nominated to the Viceroy’s Legislative Council. He testified before the education commission to promote the establishment of more colleges and schools across India. In the same year, Sir Syed founded the Muhammadan Association to promote political co-operation amongst Indian Muslims from different parts of the country. In 1886, he organised the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference in Aligarh, which promoted his vision of modern education and political unity for Muslims. His works made him the most prominent Muslim politician in 19th century India, often influencing the attitude of Muslims on various national issues. He supported the efforts of Indian political leaders Surendranath Banerjea and Dadabhai Naoroji to obtain representation for Indians in the government and civil services. In 1883, he founded the Muhammadan Civil Service Fund Association to encourage and support the entry of Muslim graduates into the Indian Civil Service (ICS).

However, Sir Syed’s political views were shaped by a strong aversion to the emerging nationalist movement, which was composed largely of Hindus. Sir Syed opposed the Indian National Congress (created in 1885) on the grounds that it was a Hindu-majority organisation, calling on Muslims to stay away from it. While fearful of the loss of Muslim political power owing to the community’s backwardness, Sir Syed was also averse to the prospect of democratic self-government, which would give control of government to the Hindu-majority population:

“At this time our nation is in a bad state in regards education and wealth, but God has given us the light of religion and the Koran is present for our guidance, which has ordained them and us to be friends. Now God has made them rulers over us. Therefore we should cultivate friendship with them, and should adopt that method by which their rule may remain permanent and firm in India, and may not pass into the hands of the Bengalis… If we join the political movement of the Bengalis our nation will reap a loss, for we do not want to become subjects of the Hindus instead of the subjects of the “people of the Book.

 Legacy

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan lived the last two decades of his life in Aligarh, regarded widely as the mentor of 19th- and 20th century Muslim intellectuals and politicians. He remained the most influential Muslim politician in India, with his opinions guiding the convictions of a large majority of Muslims. Battling illnesses and old age, Sir Syed died on March 27, 1898. He was buried besides Sir Syed Masjid inside the campus of the Aligarh university. His funeral was attended by thousands of students, Muslim leaders and British officials. Sir Syed is widely commemorated across South Asia as a great Muslim reformer and visionary.

His fierce criticism of the Congress and Indian nationalists created rifts between Muslims and Hindus. At the same time, Sir Syed sought to politically ally Muslims to the British government. An avowed loyalist of the British Empire, Sir Syed was nominated as a member of the Civil Service Commission in 1887 by Lord Dufferin. In 1888, he established the United Patriotic Association at Aligarh to promote political co-operation with the British and Muslim participation in the government. Syed Ahmed Khan was knighted by the British government in 1888 and in the following year he received an LL.D. honoris causa from the Edinburgh University.

The university he founded remains one of India’s most prominent institutions. Prominent alumni of Aligarh include Muslim political leaders Maulana Mohammad Ali, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulvi Abdul Haq, who is hailed in Pakistan as Baba-e-Urdu (Father of Urdu). The first two Prime Ministers of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan and Khawaja Nazimuddin, as well as the late Indian President Dr. Zakir Hussain, are amongst Aligarh’s most famous graduates. In India, Sir Syed is commemorated as a pioneer who worked for the socio-political upliftment of Indian Muslims, though his views on Hindu-Muslim issues are a subject of controversy. Sir Syed is also hailed as a founding father of Pakistan for his role in developing a Muslim political class independent of Hindu-majority organisations. The Sir Syed University of Engineering and Technology was established in honour of Sir Syed in Karachi and is a leading technical institution in Pakistan. Furthermore, Sir Syed Government Girls College in Karachi, Pakistan is also named in the honour of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan.

 Criticism

He is criticized for supporting British Imperialists during the War of Independence (1857) in which Indian masses rose up against the foreign rule. He also worked as government’s spy and was indirectly responsible for the hangings of several freedom fighters. He always used the term ‘revolt’ for this uprising and at one place in his book on the uprising he went even further and called it a ‘haramzadgi’ .

Supporters of Sir Syed contend that his political vision gave an independent political expression to the Muslim community, which aided its goal of securing political power in India. His philosophy guided the creation of the All India Muslim League in 1906, as a political party separate from the Congress. Sir Syed’s ideas inspired both the liberal, pro-British politicians of the Muslim League and the religious ideologues of the Khilafat struggle. The Muslim League remained at odds with the Congress and continued to advocate the boycott of the Indian independence movement. In the 1940s, the student body of Aligarh committed itself to the establishment of Pakistan and contributed in large measure to the activities of the Muslim League.Sir Syed’s patronage of Urdu led to its widespread use amongst Indian Muslim communities and following the Partition of India its adoption as the official language of Pakistan, even though Bengali and Punjabi were more prevalent at the time.

Sir Syed’s gravesite

Sir Syed’s house in the university campus

Victoria gate, a prominent building

Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) is one of the preeminent writers of the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Indeed, the attention he has received from numerous writers, translators, and critics from Western as well as Islamic countries testifies to his stature as a world literary figure. While his primary reputation is that of a poet, Iqbal has not lacked admirers for his philosophical thought. He has in fact been called “the most serious Muslim philosophical thinker of modem times.” The frequently used appellation of “poet-philosopher” is thus well deserved. The hyphen in the phrase is all-important: Iqbal’s poetry and philosophy do not exist in isolation from each other; they are integrally related, his poetry serving as a vehicle for his thought. Iqbal wrote poetry in Urdu and Persian, and several collections in each language exist. In the following page a life-sketch of Iqbal is followed by a brief treatment of some of the major themes and literary features of his poetry.

Iqbal was born in Sialkot, in the present-day province of the Punjab in Pakistan, in 1877. He received his early education in that city, where one of his teachers was Mir Hasan, an accomplished scholar who commanded a knowledge of several Islamic languages. Mir Hasan gave Iqbal a thorough training in the rich Islamic literary tradition. His influence on Iqbal was formative. Many years later (1922), when the English governor of the Punjab proposed to the British Crown that Iqbal be knighted in acknowledgment of his literary accomplishments, Iqbal asked that Mir Hasan also be awarded a title. To the governor’s remark that Mir Hasan had not authored any books, Iqbal responded that he, Iqbal, was the book Mir Hasan had produced. Mir Hasan received the title of Shams al-’Ulama’ (“Sun of Scholars”).
For higher education Iqbal went to Lahore (1895), where he enrolled in Government College, getting, in 1899, an MA in philosophy; he had already obtained a degree in law (1898). In Lahore, a major center of academic and literary activity, Iqbal soon made a name for himself as a poet. One of the teachers of Government College Iqbal admired most was Sir Thomas Arnold. Arnold, too, had great affection for Iqbal, he helped Iqbal in his career as a teacher and also encouraged him to undertake several research projects. When Arnold returned to England in 1904, Iqbal wrote a touching poem in which he expressed his resolve to follow Arnold to England. The very next year, in fact, Iqbal left for study at Cambridge. His choice of Cambridge was probably dictated by the fact that Cambridge was reputed for the study not only of European philosophy but also of Arabic and Persian. In his three years of stay abroad, Iqbal obtained a BA from Cambridge (1906), qualified as a barrister at London’s Middle Temple (1906), and earned a PhD from Munich University (1908).
After returning to Lahore in 1908, Iqbal taught philosophy at Government College for a few years. In 1911 he resigned from government service and set up legal practice. Meanwhile he continued to write poetry in Urdu and Persian, Asrar-i Khudi (Persian) was published in 1915. Translated into English as The Secrets of the Self (1920) by Professor Reynold Nicholson of Cambridge, the book introduced Iqbal to the West. Asrar-i Khudi was followed by several other volumes: Rumuz-i Bikhudi (1918), Payam-i Mashriq (1923), Bang-i Dara (1924), Zabur-i ‘Ajam (1927), Javid Namah (1932), Musafir (1936), Zarb-i Kalim (1937), and Armaghan-i Hijaz (1938, posthumously). Iqbal wrote prose also. His doctoral thesis, The Development of Metaphysics in Persia, was published in 1908, and his Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (with a 7th chapter added to the original set of six lectures, first published in 1930), in 1934. Many of Iqbal’s poetical works have been rendered into foreign languages, including English, German, Italian, Russian, Czechoslovakian, Arabic, and Turkish. His works have also spawned a vast amount of critical literature in many languages.
Although his main interests were scholarly, Iqbal was not unconcerned with the political situation of the, country and the political fortunes of the Muslim community of India. Already in 1908, while in England, he had been chosen as a member of the executive council of the newly established British branch of the Indian Muslim League. In 1931 and 1932 he represented the Muslims of India in the Round Table Conferences held in England to discuss the issue of the political future of India. And in a 1930 lecture Iqbal suggested the creation of a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. Iqbal died (1938) before the creation of Pakistan (1947), but it was his teaching that “spiritually … has been the chief force behind the creation of Pakistan.” He is the national poet of Pakistan.

A detailed discussion of the thematic and literary features of Iqbal’s poetry is not be undertaken here. A few general points may, however, be made.
A reader of Iqbal’s poetry is struck by its sheer thematic variety. Iqbal was deeply interested in the issues that have exercised the best minds of the human race—the issues of the meaning of life, change and constancy, freedom and determinism, survival and progress, the relation between the body and the soul, the conflict between reason and emotion, evil and suffering, the position and role of human beings in the universe—and in his poetry he deals with these and other issues. He had also read widely in history, philosophy, literature, mysticism, and politics, and, again, his catholic interests are reflected in his poetry.
Iqbal celebrates humanity, in more than one sense. On one level he shows broad acceptance for humanity. In “The Story of Adam”, the protagonist, Adam, plays a variety of roles-those of prophet, thinker, reformer, scientist, inventor, astronomer, martyr, and iconoclast. Adam in this poem is not simply a religious figure belonging to a certain tradition, but represents the whole of humankind. On another level, Iqbal takes pride in being human and has no desire to partake of the godhead of God. To be God is to have concerns and worries that would give one a headache, but to be human is to have that sweet pain called heartache. Humans can hold their heads high in view of their achievements in the world to which they were banished from paradise: if God has made the night, then humans have made the lamp, and if God has made deserts and mountains, then humans have made parks and meadows (“A Dialogue Between God and Man,”). Humans must, therefore, strive to be perfect qua humans, and that is a goal yet to be achieved.
The theme of humanity is closely linked in Iqbal with that of khudi (literally, “selfhood”). Khudi is a complex thought in Iqbal. Broadly speaking, it represents the principle of the inner self with an urge to manifest itself Societies as well as individuals have khudi, and it is on the development or suppression of one’s or failure in the world depends, khudi that one’s success   the khudi of slaves, for example, is moribund.
Recognition, discovery, cultivation, and assertion of their khudi should, therefore, be the aim of humans. Iqbal’s critique of Muslim societies is predicated on the assumption that these societies have lost their khudi or have allowed it to become seriously impaired. The best way to understand Iqbal’s concept of khudi is by reading poems in which he discusses the subject.
Perfection, or rather limitless perfection, is a frequently occurring motif in Iqbal’s poetry. “I seek the end of that which has no end,” says Iqbal in “The Houri and the Poet”, and, in the same poem: “From the spark I seek a star, from the star a sun.” Iqbal sees no end to human potentialities. He wishes humans to embark on a never-ending journey of discovery, and to this end emphasizes the importance of action. Constant action and perpetual movement are in fact the only guarantee of survival in the world. Nations fall behind when they cease to be dynamic and start preferring a life of idle speculation over one of purposive action.
But the quest for perfection can give rise to irony. Irony, in fact, fills human life, for while they have been imbued with the desire to achieve perfection, humans have been denied the ability to achieve it in practice. The poems “Man”, “Solitude”, and “The Dew and the Stars” discuss several aspects of the irony of human life. The poem, “The Story of Adam,” though it ends on a more optimistic note, yet implies that it takes humans a long time to discover the most important secret of existence.
“The heart has its reasons, of which reason is ignorant,” says Pascal. Iqbal, who frequently speaks of the conflict of the head and the heart, would agree, though he would add that while the conflict exists, it does not have to. More often than not it is reason (or the intellect) that belittles the heart (or intuition), but both are essential to a harmonious life; ideally, then, reason and the heart should cooperate rather than clash.
Although he has wide-ranging interests, Iqbal essentially belongs to, and speaks from within, the Islamic tradition, employing, for his purposes, the historical, religious, philosophical, and literary resources of that tradition. A full appreciation of Iqbal requires an understanding of these resources, and the notes and commentaries in this volume elucidate Iqbal’s use of them.
Iqbal held to the doctrine of art for life’s sake. Acutely aware of the problems of Muslim decadence and backwardness, Iqbal takes it upon himself to shake the Muslims of India and other countries out of their lethargy, urging them to take the path of progress, so that they can gain an honorable position in the polity of nations, He uses the medium of poetry to arouse socio-religious consciousness among Muslims. As a result, Islamic religious and social themes predominate in his poetry. But Iqbal’s vision of a revived religion is far from conservative. He is sharply critical of many of the institutions of historic Islam (of the institution of monarchy, for example), and his vision of a new world derives from the Islamic notions of egalitarianism and social justice. He rejects dogmatism in religion, advocates rethinking of the Islamic intellectual heritage, and stands for the establishment of a forward-looking community. But the conviction of art for life’s sake never allows Iqbal’s poetry to degenerate into bland or crass propaganda. The worldwide acclamation he has won is proof that Iqbal’s strength consists in writing purpose poetry of the highest artistic standards.
Ultimately, however, the secret of the appeal of Iqbal’s poetry lies in the personality behind that poetry. Whether he is dealing with a broadly humanistic or a specifically Islamic theme, Iqbal views it from a unique perspective. Consider his boldly critical attitude toward certain aspects of the received tradition, an attitude reflected, for example, in the poems referred above. Unlike almost any other poet in the Islamic tradition, Iqbal enters into a dialogue with God, raising issues the orthodox would consider disturbing. He asks whether Adam’s expulsion from heaven has turned out to be Adam’s loss or God’s own; he challenges God to speak to him face to face rather than through messengers, and, noting the discrepancy between the boundlessness of human ambition and the limitedness of the resources put at humans’ disposal, he asks God whether His experiment involving Adam is to be taken seriously. Iqbal’s view of the role of Satan in the world is also highly intriguing and, as one would expect, highly unconventional (see “Conquest of Nature” and “Gabriel and Iblis”).
A notable thing about Iqbal’s perspective is ambiguity, a typical modem quality. Especially when he is talking about metaphysical issues, Iqbal raises some difficult questions, without providing a single “valid” answer. In “Paradise Lost and Regained” the question whether Adam should have sinned or not (each scenario being theoretically defensible) is not answered by Iqbal. In “Gabriel and Iblis” we are left to wonder about Iqbal’s own view of Iblis’ self-justification. And in “Solitude” we cannot be certain why God smiles.
In several places Iqbal talks about himself about his Eastern background and Western education, and the contradictions of his own personality; his conviction that his study of historic Islam had furnished him with certain valuable insights which he must share with his people; his hope that his message will spread across the Muslim world, and his apprehension that he will be misunderstood or appreciated for the wrong reasons. Here it may be added that the various attempts made to identify (or label) Iqbal as a Sufi or an orthodox Muslim, as a radical or a reactionary are wide of the mark because Iqbal is too large a figure to fit any narrow, procrustean category; he demands and deserves attention on his own terms.

Iqbal had a fine sense of the dramatic, and in his poetry he frequently employs dramatic techniques. Many of his poems are structured like a play, with the first half of the poem building a tension or conflict that is resolved, or raising a question that is answered, in the second half Examples are “Gabriel and Iblis”, “The Dew and the Stars”, “The Houri and the Poet” and “Fatimah bint ‘Abdullah”. Many poems are dialogues, with well-argued positions taken by the interlocutors (“A Dialogue Between God and Man”, “The Dew and the Stars”, “Reason and Heart” and “A Dialogue Between Knowledge and Love”; also the fables). Some poems are one-sided dialogues or monologues (“Give Me Another Adversary”, “The Falcon’s Advice to Its Youngster”). Again, Iqbal carefully weaves the “plot” of a poem, arousing the reader’s curiosity, dropping seemingly casual hints that turn out to be prophetic, providing flashback, and saving his masterstroke for the end. Two excellent examples are “The Night and the Poet” and “The Houri and the Poet”.
Iqbal has some favorite images and motifs. The eagle is Iqbal’s favorite bird, and the tulip his favorite flower. We will here say a few words about the tulip. The tulip is a pretty flower, but, when it grows in the desert (Lala’-i sahra’), it combines strength with beauty, for it then represents the assertion of one’s self (khudi) in the face of hostile circumstances. The tulip owes its splendor not to an outside source but to the “scar” inside its heart, its glow being indigenous to it, as befits a flower with a khudi of its own. The tulip is thus a “model” for individuals and nations to follow. In one of his quatrains (“Freedom and Determinism and Philosophy of History”), speaking of the difficult circumstances that alone give birth to new nations, Iqbal says: “From mountains and deserts do nations arise.” Although Iqbal does not mention the tulip in this quatrain, it would not be far-fetched to suggest that, conceptually, Iqbal here has the desert tulip in mind. The cup-shaped flower suggests to Iqbal’s mind several analogies, and in one piece (“Locke, Kant, and Bergson,”) Iqbal, makes consistent use of the tulip image to describe and analyze complex philosophical ideas. It is in view of the deep significance of the flower in Iqbal’s poetry that I have chosen Tulip in the Desert as the title of my volume of translations (Mustansir Mir, Tulip in the Desert, Hurst and Company, London, 2000). The images of the eagle and the tulip illustrate how Iqbal adds to the native literary tradition or makes an innovative use of that tradition (the tulip). Another example in this connection is that of the moth. In Persian and Urdu poetry the moth represents the devoted and self-immolating lover. Like the moth, which keeps circling the light, the lover (a male) desires to stay close to the beloved (a female). But in Iqbal, typically, the moth often represent a reprehensible rather than a praiseworthy quality: the shining light it is in love with is not its own. The moth is to be contrasted with another, the firefly, which, though it has a weak light, can at least call this light its own. The firefly, in other words, is possessed of khudi, but the moth has no khudi. Iqbal often uses a series of images to convey a thought, producing a cumulative effect. In “Fatimah bint -Abdullah,” for example, he uses no fewer than four images to express the idea that, even in its present age of decadence, the Muslim Community can produce individuals of exceptional caliber:

O that our autumn-stricken garden had
A flower-bud like this!
O that in our ashes would be found, O Lord,
A spark like this!
In our desert is hidden many a deer still.
In the spent clouds lies dormant still
Many a flash of lightning.

Iqbal is capable of writing biting satire. Two examples are: “Give Me Another Adversary”, in which Satan argues that he deserves a better rival than Adam, and “Scorpion Land,” which criticizes slave mentality.

In this sermon he recalls the creation of Earth and Sky and the birth of Adam.

Praise is due to Allah whose worth cannot be described by speakers, whose bounties cannot be counted by calculators and whose claim (to obedience) cannot be satisfied by those who attempt to do so, whom the height of intellectual courage cannot appreciate, and the divings of understanding cannot reach; He for whose description no limit has been laid down, no eulogy exists, no time is ordained and no duration is fixed. He brought forth creation through His Omnipotence, dispersed winds through His Compassion, and made firm the shaking earth with rocks.

The foremost in religion is the acknowledgement of Him, the perfection of acknowledging Him is to testify Him, the perfection of testifying Him is to believe in His Oneness, the perfection of believing in His Oneness is to regard Him Pure, and the perfection of His purity is to deny Him attributes, because every attribute is a proof that it is different from that to which it is attributed and everything to which something is attributed is different from the attribute. Thus whoever attaches attributes to Allah recognises His like, and who recognises His like regards Him two; and who regards Him two recognises parts for Him; and who recognises parts for Him mistook Him; and who mistook Him pointed at Him; and who pointed at Him admitted limitations for Him; and who admitted limitations for Him numbered Him.

Whoever said in what is He, held that He is contained; and whoever said on what is He held He is not on something else. He is a Being but not through phenomenon of coming into being. He exists but not from non-existence. He is with everything but not in physical nearness. He is different from everything but not in physical separation. He acts but without connotation of movements and instruments. He sees even when there is none to be looked at from among His creation. He is only One, such that there is none with whom He may keep company or whom He may miss in his absence.
The Creation of the Universe

 

He initiated creation most initially and commenced it originally, without undergoing reflection, without making use of any experiment, without innovating any movement, and without experiencing any aspiration of mind. He allotted all things their times, put together their variations gave them their properties, and determined their features knowing them before creating them, realising fully their limits and confines and appreciating their propensities and intricacies.

When Almighty created the openings of atmosphere, expanse of firmament and strata of winds, He flowed into it water whose waves were stormy and whose surges leapt one over the other. He loaded it on dashing wind and breaking typhoons, ordered them to shed it back (as rain), gave the wind control over the vigour of the rain, and acquainted it with its limitations. The wind blew under it while water flowed furiously over it.

Then Almighty created forth wind and made its movement sterile, perpetuated its position, intensified its motion and spread it far and wide. Then He ordered the wind to raise up deep waters and to intensify the waves of the oceans. So the wind churned it like the churning of curd and pushed it fiercely into the firmament throwing its front position on the rear and the stationary on the flowing till its level was raised and the surface was full of foam. Then Almighty raised the foam on to the open wind and vast firmament and made therefrom the seven skies and made the lower one as a stationary surge and the upper one as protective ceiling and a high edifice without any pole to support it or nail to hold it together. Then He decorated them with stars and the light of meteors and hung in it the shining sun and effulgent moon under the revolving sky, moving ceiling and rotating firmament.
The Creation of the Angels

 

Then He created the openings between high skies and filled them with all classes of His angels. Some of them are in prostration and do not kneel up. Others in kneeling position and do not stand up. Some of them are in array and do not leave their position. Others are extolling Allah and do not get tired. The sleep of the eye or the slip of wit, or languor of the body or the effect of forgetfulness does not effect them.

Among them are those who work as trusted bearers of His message, those who serve as speaking tongues for His prophets and those who carry to and fro His orders and injunctions. Among them are the protectors of His creatures and guards of the doors of the gardens of Paradise. Among them are those also whose steps are fixed on earth but their necks are protruding into the skies, their limbs are getting out on all sides, their shoulders are in accord with the columns of the Divine Throne, their eyes are downcast before it, they have spread down their wings under it and they have rendered between themselves and all else curtains of honour and screens of power. They do not think of their Creator through image, do not impute to Him attributes of the created, do not confine Him within abodes and do not point at Him through illustrations.
Description of the Creation of Adam

 

Allah collected from hard, soft, sweet and sour earth, clay which He dripped in water till it got pure, and kneaded it with moisture till it became gluey. From it He carved an image with curves, joints, limbs and segments. He solidified it till it dried up for a fixed time and a known duration. Then He blew into it out of His Spirit whereupon it took the pattern of a human being with mind that governs him, intelligence which he makes use of, limbs that serve him, organs that change his position, sagacity that differentiates between truth and untruth, tastes and smells, colours and species. He is a mixture of clays of different colours, cohesive materials, divergent contradictories and differing properties like heat, cold, softness and hardness.

Then Allah asked the angels to fulfil His promise with them and to accomplish the pledge of His injunction to them by acknowledging Him through prostration to Him and submission to His honoured position. So Allah said:

“Be prostrate towards Adam and they prostrated except Iblis (Satan).” (Qur’an, 2:34; 7:11; 17:61; 18:50; 20:116)

Self-importance withheld him and vice overcame him. So that he took pride in his own creation with fire and treated contemptuously the creation of clay. So Allah allowed him time in order to let him fully deserve His wrath, and to complete (man’s) test and to fulfil the promise (He had made to Satan). Thus, He said:

“Verily you have been allowed time till the known Day.” (Qur’an, 15:38; 38:81)

Thereafter, Allah inhabited Adam (p.b.u.h.) in a house where He made his life pleasant and his stay safe, and He cautioned him of Iblis and his enmity. Then his enemy (Iblis) envied his abiding in Paradise and his contacts with the virtuous. So he changed his conviction into wavering and determination into weakness. He thus converted his happiness into fear and his prestige into shame. Then Allah offered to Adam (p.b.u.h.) the chance to repent, taught him words of His Mercy, promised him return to His Paradise and sent him down to the place of trial and procreation of progeny.
Allah chooses His Prophets

 

From his (Adam’s) progeny Allah chose prophets and took their pledge for his revelation and for carrying His message as their trust. In course of time many people perverted Allah’s trust with them and ignored His position and took compeers along with Him. Satan turned them away from knowing Him and kept them aloof from His worship. Then Allah sent His Messengers and series of His prophets towards them to get them to fulfil the pledges of His creation, to recall to them His bounties, to exhort them by preaching, to unveil before them the hidden virtues of wisdom and show them the signs of His Omnipotence namely the sky which is raised over them, the earth that is placed beneath them, means of living that sustain them, deaths that make them die, ailments that turn them old and incidents that successively betake them.

Allah never allowed His creation to remain without a Prophet deputised by Him, or a book sent down from Him or a binding argument or a standing plea. These Messengers were such that they did not feel little because of smallness of their number or of largeness of the number of their falsifiers. Among them was either a predecessor who would name the one to follow or the follower who had been introduced by the predecessor.
The Prophethood of Muhammmad

 

In this way ages passed by and times rolled on, fathers passed away while sons took their places till Allah deputised Muhammmad (peace be upon him and his progeny) as His Prophet, in fulfilment of His promise and in completion of His Prophethood. His pledge had been taken from the Prophets, his traits of character were well reputed and his birth was honourable. The people of the earth at this time were divided in different parties, their aims were separate and ways were diverse. They either likened Allah with His creation or twisted His Names or turned to else than Him. Through Muhammmad (p.b.u.h.a.h.p.) Allah guided them out of wrong and with his efforts took them out of ignorance.

Then Allah chose for Muhammmad, peace be upon him and on his progeny, to meet Him, selected him for His own nearness, regarded him too dignified to remain in this world and decided to remove him from this place of trial. So He drew him towards Himself with honour. Allah may shower His blessing on him, and his progeny.
The Holy Qur’an and Sunnah

 

But the Prophet left among you the same which other Prophets left among their peoples, because Prophets do not leave them untended (in dark) without a clear path and a standing ensign, namely the Book of your Creator clarifying its permission and prohibitions, its obligations and discretion, its repealing injunctions and the repealed ones, its permissible matters and compulsory ones, its particulars and the general ones, its lessons and illustrations, its long and the short ones, its clear and obscure ones, detailing its abbreviations and clarifying its obscurities.

In it there are some verses whose knowledge ⁽¹⁾ is obligatory and others whose ignorance by the people is permissible. It also contains what appears to be obligatory according to the Book ⁽²⁾ but its repeal is signified by the Prophet’s action (sunnah) or that which appears compulsory according to the Prophet’s action but the Book allows not following it. Or there are those which are obligatory in a given time but not so after that time. Its prohibitions also differ. Some are major regarding which there exists the threat of fire (Hell), and others are minor for which there are prospects of forgiveness. There are also those of which a small portion is also acceptable (to Allah) but they are capable of being expanded.
In this very sermon he spoke about Hajj

 

Allah has made obligatory upon you the pilgrimage (hajj) to His sacred House which is the turning point for the people who go to it as beasts or pigeons go towards spring water. Allah the glorified made it a sign of their supplication before His Greatness and their acknowledgement of His Dignity. He selected from among His creation those who on listening to His call responded to it and testified His word. They stood in the position of His Prophets and resembled His angels who surround the Divine Throne securing all the benefits of performing His worship and hastening towards His promised forgiveness. Allah the glorified made it (His sacred House) an emblem for Islam and an object of respect for those who turn to it. He made obligatory its pilgrimage and laid down its claim for which He held you responsible to discharge it. Thus, Allah the glorified said:

“. . . And (purely) for Allah, is incumbent upon mankind, the pilgrimage to the House, for those who can afford to journey thither. And whoever denieth then verily, Allah is Selfsufficiently independent of the worlds” (Qur’an, 3:96).

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⁽¹⁾. “The foremost in religion (din) is His knowledge.” The literal meaning of din is obedience, and its popular sense is code, whether literal sense is taken or the popular one, in either case, if the mind is devoid of any conception of Divinity, there would be no question of obedience, nor of following any code; because when there is no aim there is no point in advancing towards it; where there is no object in view there is no sense in making efforts to achieve it. Nevertheless, when the nature and guiding faculty of man bring him in contact with a superior Authority and his taste for obedience and impulse of submission subjugates him before a Deity, he finds himself bound by certain limitations as against abject freedom of activity. These very limitations are din (Religion) whose point of commencement is knowledge of Allah and acknowledgement of His Being.

After pointing out the essentials of Divine knowledge Amir al-mu’minin has described its important constituents and conditions. He has held those stages of such knowledge which people generally regard as the point of highest approach to be insufficient. He says that its first stage is that with the natural sense of search for the unknown and the guidance of conscience or on hearing from the followers of religions an image of the Unseen Being known as Allah is formed in the mind. This image in fact is the forerunner of the obligation to thinking and reflection and to seeking His knowledge. But those who love idleness, or are under pressure of environment, do not undertake this search despite creation of such image and the image fails to get testified. In this case they remain deprived of Divine knowledge, and since their inaccess to the stage of testifying after the formation of image is by volition they deserve to be questioned about it. But one who is moved by the power of this image goes further and considers thinking and reflection necessary. In this way one reaches the next stage in the attainment of Divine knowledge, namely to search for the Creator through diversification of creation and species of creatures, because every picture is a solid and inflexible guide to the existence of its painter and every effect to the action of its cause. When he casts his glance around himself he does not find a single thing which might have come into existence without the act of a maker so much so that he does not find the sign of a footstep without a walker nor a construction without a builder. How can he comprehend that this blue sky with the sun and the moon in its expanse and the earth with the exuberance of its grass and flowers could have come into existence without the action of a Creator. Therefore, after observing all that exists in the world and the regulated system of the entire creation no one can help concluding that there is a Creator for this world of diversities because existence cannot come out of non-existence, nor can existence sprout forth from nothingness.

The Holy Qur’an has pointed to this reasoning thus:

“. . . What! about Allah is there any doubt, the Originator of the heavens and the earth ?. . .” (14:10).

But this stage would also be insufficient if this testimony in favour of Allah is tarnished by belief in the divinity of some other deity.

The third stage is that His existence should be acknowledged along with belief in Unity and Oneness. Without this the testimony to Allah’s existence cannot be complete because if more gods are believed in He would not be One whereas it is necessary that He should be One. The reason is that in case of more than one god the question would arise whether one of them created all this creation or all of them together. If one of them created it there should be some differential to distinguish him otherwise he would be accorded preferential position without reason, which is unacceptable to the mind. If all have created it collectively then the position has only two forms; either he cannot perform his functions without the assistance of others or he is above the need for their assistance. The first case means his incapability and being in need of others while the other case means that they are several regular performers of a single act and the fallacy of both has already been shown. If we assume that all the gods performed the act of creation by dividing among themselves then, in this case all the creation will, not bear the same relationship towards the creator since each creature will bear relationship only to its own creator whereas every creature should have one and the same relationship to all creators. This is because all the creation should have one and the same relationship to all the creators as all the created in their capacity to accept effect and all the creators in their capacity to produce effect should be similar. In short there is no way but to acknowledge Him as One because in believing in numerous creators there remains no possibility of the existence of any other thing, and destruction proves implicit for the earth, the sky and everything in creation. Allah the glorified has expressed this argument in the following words:

“Had there been in (the heavens and the earth [other] ) gods except Allah, they both had been in disorder. . .” (Qur’an, 21:22).

The fourth stage is that Allah should be regarded free of all defects and deficiencies, and devoid of body, form, illustration, similarity, position of place or time, motion, stillness, incapability and ignorance because there can be no deficiency or defect in the perfect Being nor can anyone be deemed like Him because all these attributes bring down a being from the high position of the Creator to the low position of the created. That is why along with Unity, Allah has held purity from deficiency of equal importance.

“Say: ‘He (Allah) is One (alone).
Allah, the needless.
He begetteth not, nor is He begotten.
And there is none like unto Him” (Qur’an, 112:1-4).

“Vision perceiveth Him not, and He perceiveth (all) vision; He is the Subtle, the All-aware” (Qur’an, 6:104).

“So coin ye not any similitudes to Allah; verily Allah knoweth (every thing) and ye know not.” (Qur’an, 16:74).

“. . .Nothing whatsoever (is there) like the like of Him; and He (alone) is the All-hearing and the All-seeing.” (Qur’an, 42:11)

The fifth stage of completing His Knowledge is that attributes should not be put in Him from outside lest there be duality in His Oneness, and deviating from its proper connotation Unity may fall in the labyrinth of one in three and three in one, because His Being is not a combination of essence and form so that attribute may cling to Him like smell in the flowers or brightness in the stars. Rather, He is the fountain head of all attributes and needs no medium for manifestation of His perfect Attributes. If He is named Omniscient it is because the signs of his knowledge are manifest. If He is called Omnipotent it is because every particle points to His Omnipotence and Activity, and if to Him is attributed the power to listen or to see it is because the cohesion of the entire creation and its administration cannot be done without hearing or seeing but the existence of these attributes in Him cannot be held to be in the same way as in the creation namely that He should be capable to know only after He acquires knowledge or He should be powerful and strong only after energy runs into His limbs because taking attributes as separate from His Being would connote duality and where there is duality unity disappears. That is how Amir al-mu’minin has rejected the idea of attributes being addition to His Being, presented Unity in its true significance, and did not allow Unity to be tainted with stains of multiplicity. This does not mean that adjectives cannot at all be attributed to Him, as this would be giving support to those who are groping in the dark abyss of negativism, although every nook and comer in the entire existence is brimming with His attributes and every particle of creation stands witness that He has knowledge, He is powerful, He hears, He sees. He nurtures under His care and allows growth under His mercy. The intention is that for Him nothing can be suggested to serve as an adjunct to Him, because His self includes attributes and His attributes connote His Self. Let us learn this very theme in the words of al-Imam Abu `Abdillah Ja`far ibn Muhammmad as-Sadiq (p.b.u.h.) comparing it with the belief in Unity adopted by other religions and then appreciate who is the exponent of the true concept of Unity.

The Imam says:

“Our Allah the Glorified, the Magnificent has ever had knowledge as His Self even though there was nothing to know, sight as His Self even though there was nothing to know, sight as His Self even though there was nothing to behold, hearing as His Self even though there was nothing to hear, and Potence as His Self even though there was nothing to be under His Potence. When He created the things and the object of knowledge came into existence His knowledge became related to the known, hearing related to the heard, sight related to the seen, and potence related to its object.” (at-Tawhid by ash-Shaykh as-Saduq, p.139)

This is the belief over which the Imams of the Prophet’s family are unanimous, but the majority group has adopted a different course by creating the idea of differentiation between His Self and Attributes. ash-Shahristani says on page 42 of his book Kitab al-milal wa’n-nihal:

According to Abu’l-Hasan al-Ash`ari, Allah knows through (the attribute of) knowledge, is Powerful through activity, speaks through speech, hears through hearing and sees through sight.

If we regard attributes distinct from Self in this manner there would be two alternatives; either the attributes must have existed in Him from ever or they must have occurred later. In the first case we have to recognise as many eternal objects as the attributes which all will share with Him in being eternal, but “Allah is above what the people deem Him to have equals.” In the second case in addition to subjecting Him to the alternations it would also mean that before the acquiring of the attributes He was neither scient, nor powerful, nor hearer nor beholder and this runs counter to the basic tenet of Islam.

“. . . Allah hath decreed trade lawful and hath forbidden interest. . .” (Qur’an, 2:275)

“And when you have finished the prayer remember Allah standing, and sitting, and reacting, and when ye are secure (from danger) establish prayer . . .” (Qur’an, 4:103)

“O’ ye men! eat of what is in the earth lawful and good and follow not the foot-steps of Satan; for verily he is an open enemy unto you.” (Qur’an, 2:168)

“(And) say thou: ‘I am only a man like you, it is revealed unto me that your god is but one God, therefore whosoever desireth to meet his Lord, let him do good deeds, and associate not any one in the worship of his Lord’.” (Qur’an, 18:110)

“What! enjoin ye upon the people righteousness and ye forget your own selves? Yet ye read the scripture? What: do ye not understand?” (Qur’an, 2:44).

⁽²⁾. About the Qur’an, Amir al-mu’minin says that it contains description of the permitted and the forbidden acts such as “Allah has allowed sale and purchase but prohibited usury.”

It clarifies obligatory and optional acts such as “when you have finished the prayer (of fear) remember Allah rising, sitting or lying and when you feel safe (from the enemy) then say the prayers (as usual).”

Here prayer is obligatory while other forms of remembering (Allah) are optional. It has repealing and repealed verses such as about the period of seclusion after husband’s death “four months and ten days” or the repealed one such as “till one year without going out” which shows that this period of seclusion should be one year. In particular places it permits the forbidden such as “whoever is compelled without being wilfully wrongful or transgressor, commits no sins.”

It has positive injunctions such as “One should not add anyone with Allah in worship.” It has particular and general injunctions. Particular is the one where the word shows generality but the sense is limited such as “I have made you superior over worlds, O’ Bani Isra’il.”

Here the sense of “Worlds,” is confined to that particular time, although the word is general in its literal meaning. The general injunctions is one which is extensive in meaning such as “Allah has knowledge of everything.” It has lessons and illustrations lessons such as “Allah caught him in the punishment of this world and the next and there is lesson in it.”

“So seized him Allah, with the chastisement in the hereafter, and the life before (it).” (Qur’an, 79:25)

“Verily in this there is a lesson unto him who feareth (Allah).” (Qur’an, 79:26)

“A kind word and pardon is better than charity that is followed by injury, and verily Allah is Self-sufficient, the Most forbearing.” (Qur’an, 2:263)

“And remember when We made a covenant with you and raised the ‘tur’ (the Mountain) above you (saying), ‘Hold ye fast that which We have bestowed upon you with the strength (of determination) and remember that which is therein so that you may guard (yourself) against evil’.” (Qur’an, 2:63)

“So we made it a lesson for (those of) their own times and for those (of their posterity) who came after them and an exhortation unto those who guard (themselves) against evil.” (Qur’an, 2:66)

“He it is Who fashioneth you in the wombs (of your mothers) as He liketh; There is no god but He, the All-mighty, the All-wise.” (Qur’an, 3:5)

“Obedience and a fair word; but when the affair is determined then if they be true to Allah, it would certainly be better for them.” (Qur’an, 47:21)

“O’ those who believe! It is not lawful for you to inherit women against their will; and do not straiten them in order that ye may take a part of what ye have given, unless they are guilty of manifest lewdness; but deal kindly with them, and if ye hate them, it may be that ye hate a thing while Allah hath placed in it abundant good.” (Qur’an, 4:19)

“Say thou (unto the people of the Book), ‘Dispute ye with us about Allah; whereas He is our Lord and your Lord, and for us are our deeds and for you are your deeds; to Him (alone) we are (exclusively) loyal?” (Qur’an, 2:139)

“There is a lesson in it for him who fears Allah,” and illustration as “The example of those who spend their wealth in the way of Allah is like a grain which grows seven ears each one of which bears hundred grains.” It has unspecific and specific verses. Unspecific is one which has no limitation on specification such as “Recall when Moses told his people ‘Allah commands you to sacrifice a cow.’”

Specific is one where denotation is limited such as Allah says that “the cow should be such that it has neither been used for ploughing nor for irrigation fields.” There is clear and obscure in it. Clear is that which has no intricacy such as “Verily Allah has sway over everything,” while obscure is that whose meaning has complication such as “the Merciful (Allah) occupies the throne,” whose apparent meaning gives the impression as if Allah is bodily sitting on the Throne although the intention is to press His authority and control. In it there are brief injunctions such as “establish prayer” and those of deep meanings such as the verses about which says:

“That the sense is not known except to Allah and those immersed in knowledge.” Then Amir al-mu’minin dilates upon this theme in a different style, he says that there are some things in it which are necessary to know, such as “So know that there is no god but Allah” and there are others which are not necessary to know such as “alif lam mim” etc. It has also injunctions which have been repealed by the Prophet’s action such as “As for your women who commit adultery get four male witnesses and if four witnesses do appear shut such women in the house till death ends their life.” This punishment was current in early Islam but was later replaced by stoning in the case of married women. In it there are some injunctions which repealed the Prophet’s action such as “Turn your face towards Masjid al-haram” by which the injunction for facing Bayt al-maqdis was repealed. It also contains injunctions which are obligatory only at a particular time after which their obligation ends, such as “when the call for prayer is made on Friday then hasten towards remembrance of Allah.” It has also indicated grades of prohibitions as the division of sins into light and serious ones – light such as “Tell the believers to lower their eyes” and serious ones such as “whoever kills a Believer wilfully his award is to remain in Hell for ever.” It also contains injunctions where a little performance is enough but there is scope for further performance such as “Read the Qur’an as much as you easily can.”

“Verily your Lord, certainly is He the All-mighty, the All-merciful.” (Qur’an, 26:9)

“Say thou (O’ Our Prophet Muhammmad) unto the believer men that they cast down their gaze and guard their private parts; that is purer for them; verily Allah is All-aware of what (all) ye do.” (Qur’an, 24:30)

“Not equal are those of the believers who sit (holding back) other than those hurt, and those who strive in the way of Allah with their wealth and their selves (lives). Allah hath raised the strivers with their wealth and selves (lives), in rank above those sitting (holding back); Unto all (in faith) Allah hath promised good; but those who strive, He hath distinguished above those who sit (holding [by]) a great recompense.” (Qur’an, 4:95)

“Verily, thy Lord knowest that thou standest up (in the Night Prayer) night two-third of the night, and (sometimes) half of it, and (sometimes) a third of it, and a group of those with thee; and Allah measureth (well) the night and the day; Knoweth He that never can ye take (correct) account of it, so turneth He unto you (mercifully) so recite ye whatever be easy (in the prayers) to be read of the Qur’an; Knoweth He that there may be among you sick, and others travelling in the earth seeking of the grace of Allah, and others fighting in the way of Allah, so recite ye as much as it can easily be done of it, and establish ye the (regular) prayers, and pay ye the (prescribed) poor-rate, and offer ye unto Allah a goodly loan; and whatsoever of good ye send on before hand for yourselves, ye will (surely) find it with Allah, that is the best and the greatest recompense; and seek ye the forgiveness of Allah; Verily, Allah is Oft-forgiving, the Most Merciful.” (Qur’an, 73:20)

No scholar of Sunni or Shi’a profession has questioned the genuineness and authenticity of Nahj al-balagha for more than two centuries. The first person to raise doubts about its attribution to Amir al-Mu’minin was Ibn Khallikan (d. 681/1282), who, without referring to any author or source,made the following remarks about the authorship of Nahj al-balaghah:

People have different opinions about the compiler of Nahj al- balaghah, a collection of the utterances of al-’Imam ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (as) There is difference as to whether it was compiled by al-Sharif al-Murtada or his brother al-Radi. It is also said that it is not at all the composition of ‘Ali (as) and that the one who compiled it and attributed it to him made it himself; but Allah knows the truth.

These remarks were made in Wafayat al-aya’n in connection with the account of the life and work of al-Sharif al-Murtada, al-Radi’s elder brother. Ibn al-’Athir al Jazari (555-630/1160-1232) in Mukhtasar al-Wafayat, Salah al-Din al-Safadi (d. 764/1362) in al-Wafi bi al-wafayat, al-’Allamah al-Yafi’i(d. 768/1366) in Mir’at al Jinan, and Ibn al-’Imad in Shadharat al-dhahab were content just to repeat Ibn Khallikan’s conjecture without bothering to substantiate it. Al-’Allamah al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1347) in Mizan ul-’i'tidal was the first person to pick up the audacity to raise the unfounded doubt to a degree of certainty a century after Ibn Khallikan.

He wrote in his account of al-Murtada:

Al Sharif al-Murtada, who is accused of fabricating Nahj al- balaghah, was a scholar of considerable knowledge. Whosoever sees his book Nahj al-balaghah would come to believe that it was falsely attributed to Amir al-Mu’minin (as), because it contains open abuse rather than downgrading of the two caliphs Abu Bakr and ‘Umar. Contradictions and mean matters have also crept into it, which do not conform with the spirit of the Companions of the Quraysh and our knowledge of the later Companions. One is convinced that the major part of this book is forged and unauthentic.

Ibn Hajar al-’Asqalani (d. 748/1347) repeated al-Dhahabi’s objections without bothering to probe deeper into the matter.

The most interesting and at the same time the weakest part of the objections concerns ascription of the authorship of Nahj al-balaghah to al-Murtada.

The objectors belonged to the Umayyad West and had deep prejudices against Shiii scholars, and perhaps under the impact of Umayyad propaganda their prejudice was so deep-rooted that even their scholarship could not rise above it.

Among the four contemporaries of al-Radi and al-Murtada, three, that is, al-Tha’alibi, al-Najashi (d. 450/1058), and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (d. 463/1071) have given accounts of both the brothers.

Al Shaykh al-Tusi did not give any account of al-Radi in al-Fihrist or al-Rijal, but he did not count Nahj al-balagha among the works of al-Murtada, which dispel any conjecture attributing its authorship to him, because al-Tusi was very close to him as his student. Al-Tha’alibi and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi did not mention Nahj al-balaghah either in the account of al-Murtada or that of al-Radi.Al-Najashi in unambiguous terms attributed Nahj al-balagha to al-Radi.

Al-Tusi’s exclusion of Nahj al-balaghah from the works of al-Murtada,and al-Najashi’s mention of it among the works of al-Radi are sufficient to prove that it was without any doubt a work of al-Radi.

The objectors, who could not even determine authorship of the book exactly, depended on nothing but their whim to raise doubts about its authenticity.

A more convincing proof of al-Radi’s authorship of Nahj al-balaghah can be found in his own other works in which he has mentioned it. Those books are the following:

1. Khasa’is al- ‘A’immah: A manuscript of this work of al-Radi is in Rida Library Rampur (India) which reveals that Fadl Allah ibn ‘Ali al- Husayn al-Rawandi (d. 555/1160) accepted Khasa’is as al-Radi’s work. In this book, as quoted above, al-Radi has mentioned his intention of compiling Nahj al-balaghah.

2. Haqa’iq al-tanzil: Only the fifth part of this book is accessible to us. Its authorship is unanimously attributed to al-Radi. On page 167 of this book al-Radi makes this remark:

Anybody who needs a proof of our claim should refer to our book Nahj al-balaghah and think upon its contents. We have compiled all forms and genres of the utteranees of Amir al-Mu’minin (as) in this book, which comprises sermons, letters, aphorisms, and admonitions, and is divided into three independent parts, each containing a specific genre.

3. Majazat al-’athar al-Nabawiyyah: Al-Najashi and others have included this book among al-Radi’s works. At two places in this book al-Radi has referred to Nah; al-balagha as a work of his own compilation.

It is important to note that even Ibn Khallikan, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar did not question the authenticity of the attribution of Nahj al-balaghah in its entirety to’Ali (as). They were mainly skeptical of those parts which were critical of the Caliphs Abu Bakr and ‘Umar.

But if we find such utterances and writings of Amir al-Mu’minin (as) in both Shi’i and non-Shi’i sources earlier than Nahjal-balaghah,baseless-ness of al-Dhahabi’s and Ibn Hajar’s objections can be conclusively proved.

Let us again refer to Istinad-e Nahj al-balagha by ‘Arshi, a contemporary Sunni scholar of India. With respect to the harshest of the sermons concerning the issue of the caliphate, known as al-Khutbat aldhiqshiqiyyah, ‘Arshi refers to the following early sources in which the sermon had occurred:

1. Abu Ja’far Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Khalid al-Barqi (d.274/887) has quoted it in full in al-Mahasin wa al-’adab.

2. Ibrahim ibn Muhammad al-Thaqafi al-Kufi (d. 283/896) quoted it in al-Gharat.

In his notes on al-Gharat, Sayyid Jalal al-Din Muhaddith,quoting Imtiyaz ‘Ali Khan ‘Arshi, says that this khutbah is not found in it; even Ibn Abi al-Hadid and al-’Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (1037-1110 or 1111/1627-1698 or 99) did not refer to al-Gharat as an early source of this sermon.

3. Abu ‘Ali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab al Jubba’i al-Basri al-Mu’tazili(d. 303/915 -16) narrated it.

4. Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Qubbah al-Razi (a teacherof al- Mufid and a pupil of Abu al-Qasim al-Balkhi, a Mu’tazili in his youth) quoted it in al-Insaf.

5. Abu al Qasim ‘Abd Allah ibn Ahmad ibn Mahmud al-Ka’bi al-Balkhi al-Mu’tazili (d. 319/931) in al-’Insaf.

6. Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn ibn Musa ibn Babawayh al-Qummi, known as alShaykh al-Saduq (d. 318/930), has quoted it in two of his books: Ilal al Sharayi’ and Ma’ani al-’akhbar.

7. Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad ibn al-Nu’man, known as al-Shaykh al-Mufid(d. 413/ 1022) inKitdb al-’irshad.

8. Shaykh al-Ta’ifah Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi (d. 460/1068) in al-’Amali.

‘Arshi adds that al Shaykh al Saduq has narrated this Khutbah on the authority of two different chains of narrators:

Narrated to us Muhammad ibn ‘Ali Majalawayh from his uncle Muhammad Ibn al-Qasim, he from Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Barqi he from his father, he from Ibn Abi ‘Umayr, he from Aban ibn ‘Uthman he from ‘Aban ibn Taghlib, he from ‘Ikrimah, he from ‘Abd Allah ibn al-’Abbas. (‘Ilal al-sharayi’ and Ma’anial-’ akhbar)

Narrated to us Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Ishaq al-Taliqani, from ‘Abd al-’Aziz ibn Yahya al Jalludi, from Abu ‘Abd Allah Ahmad ibn ‘Ammar ibn Khalid, from Yahya ibn ‘Abd al-Hamid al- Hammani, from ‘Isa ibn Rashid, from ‘Ali ibn Khuzaymah, from ‘Ikrimah, from Ibn al-’Abbas. (Ma’ani al ‘akhbar)

Al-Sayyid al-Radi has not quoted the entire chain of narrators, and was content to remark that the sermon was popularly known as ‘al-Shiqshiqiyyah ‘, while his teacher al-Mufid narrates both the chain of narrators and the story behind its narration. This is indicative of the fact that this sermon was so famous in those days that al-Radi did not find it necessary to prove its veracity by quoting the chain of its narrators. Surprisingly, the same famous sermon was used by his and ‘Ali’s opponents to question his veracity and to malign him by accusing him and/or his brother of forging it. The kind of criticism Ibn Khallikan and his followers dabbled in not only discredits them as researchers but also makes their other works suspicious in the eyes of impartial and objective students of history.

Those who could not find any of the above-mentioned books to cross-check the veracity of Nahj al-balaghah had failed miserably even in determining correctly its authorship.

Al-Shaykh al-Mufid has collected a number of ‘Ali’s speeches in al-’Irshad concerning the issue of the succession to the Prophet (saw) and ‘Ali’s criticism of the ways and means adopted by his opponents to deprive him of the caliphate. The famous Khutbah known as al-Shiq-shiqiyyah begins with the following preface:

(A group of traditionists report by a variety of chains of authority (turuq) on the authority of Ibn al-’Abbas, who said:)

I [i.e. Ibn al-'Abbas, was with the Commander of the Faithful at al-Rahabah I mentioned the [matter of] Caliphate and those who had preeeded him. He breathed heavily and said: “By God, Ibn Abi Quhatah took on….”

This khutbah ends with the following words:

Then you would have found that your world is more insignificant in my eyes than a goat’s snot.

At this point ‘Ali’s speech was interrupted by a man from Kufah. Ibn al-’Abbas, after narrating the text of the speech, adds:

I have never regretted anything nor felt such distress like the distress l felt at losing the rest of the speeeh of the Commander of the Faithful, peace be on him. When he finished reading the letter, I said: “Commander of the Faithful would you continue your speech from the point which you reached?”

He answered: “In no way, in no way. It was like foam on the camel’s mouth (shiqshiqah) as it opens its mouth to bellow and then falls silent.”

Apart from al-’Irshad this khutbah, as claimed by ‘Arshi, is found in other sources also. In no way can it be dubbed as al-Radi’s or al-Murtada’s fabrication. Sayyid Hibat al-Din al-Shahristani, in Mahuwa Nahj al-balaghah, has quoted different versions of al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah from:

Nathral-durar wa nuzhat al-’adab by the vizier Abu Sa’id al-’Abi; al-’Irshad by al- Shaykh ai-Mufid; al-Mahasin wa al-’adab by al-Barqi; al-Saduq in Ila’l al-sharayi’;and a book of al-Jalludi. All the versions have minor differences, which indicate that the source from which al-Radi quoted this sermon was other than these four. After enumerating the earlier works containing this khutbah,Hibat al-Din al- Shahristani points out that Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, one of tbe compilers of al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah, was a follower of the Banu Umayyah and a staunch admirer of the third caliph ‘Uthman ibn writes:

‘Affan. Much earlier than Ibn Khallikan made his remark questioning the authenticity of the attribution of Nahj al- balaghah, certain doubts had come to circulate as indicated by Ibn Abi al-Hadid al-Mu’tazili (d. 555/1257), who referred to a discussion concerning the attribution of al-Khutbat al- Shiqshiqiyyah with his teacher Abu al-Khayr Musaddiq ibn Shabib [sic. Shayb] al-Wasiti (d. 605/1208), who said:

I read this khutbah in the presenee of Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah ibn Ahmad, known as Ibn al-Khashshab (493 -567/1099-1172)… and asked him if he considered this khutbah to be a forged one and not of ‘Ali (as). Ibn al-Khashshab said:

By God, I am convinced that it is from ‘Ali and I am as sure of it as I am convineed of your truthfulness.

Al-Wasiti said to Ibn al-Khashshab: “A group is of the view that this khutbah was fabricated by al-Radi, may God be pleased with him.” Ibn al-Khashshab said:

Is it not beyond the eloquence of al-Radi or any other? How could he speak from such a high level of spirituality in such a (forceful) style? We are well acquainted with al-Radi’s writings, his style and his technique. I have assessed both his poetry and prose, these words as compared to those of al- Radi are so different that there is no question of confusing them with his writings.”

He further said:

By God, I have read this sermon in books written two hundred years before the birth of al-Radi. Yes, of course, I have seen it written in many books. I can identify this khutbah very well and know that which of the ‘ulama’ and men of letters quoted it (in his work) mueh before al-Radi’s father was born.” (Sharh Nahj al-balaghah, vol. I)

On another occasion, in his Sharh Nahj al-balaghah, Ibn Abi al-Hadid

A group of blind followers of their own whims and wishes is of the opinion that the best part of Nahj al-balagha is fabricated and forged by a group of Shi’i writers and is something new. Most of them consider a part of it to be the product of al-Radi’s pen or of others. But this group consists of prejudiced people, whose heart’s vision is blocked by partiality and who have deviated from the right and straight path of truth; they have strayed from truth due to perversion, lack of knowledge, and unfamiliarity with literature and poetry. (vol. 1, p. 543)

At another place he writes about the words of Amir al-Mu’minin (as):

His eloquence is such that he is the leader of the eloquent and the guide and master of orators. It is said about his ulterances that his words are below the Word of the Creator only, but over and above the words of all creatures; and from him the world has learnt the art of speech and rhetoric.

There were people in the age of al-Radi himself whose hearts and eyes were sealed in such a manner that they attributed some of ‘Ali’s utterances to Mu’fiwiyah. Al-Radi’s commentary on the following khutbah,is important:

His comment, are as follows:

People with no ability to understand literature aseribe it to Mu’awiyah whereas these are undoubtedly the words of Amir al- Mu’minin. How can dirt compare with pure gold?… ‘Amr ibn Bahr al Jahiz, a critic gifted with insight and a distinct sensibility, has probed the matter minutely. He has included this khutbah in al-Bayan wa al-tabyin, and has mentioned those who attributed it to Mu’awiyah. Subsequently he says: “This speech is very much like the speeches of ‘Ali (as) and is in conformity with the great man’s classification of people, and it also corresponds with his manner of depicting the people’s modes of behaving in anger, under oppression and waywardness, and in the state of dissimulation and fear.

Similarly, al-Radi refers to his sources on a number of occasions,and also gives an account of the circumstances that were responsible for the mood and theme of a certain sermon. He has referred to: al Jahiz; al-Waqidi; Abu Ja’far al-’Iskafi; Hisham ibn al-Kalbi; Sa’id ibn Yahya ai-’Umawi, the author of al-Maghazi; Abu ‘Ubayd al- Qasim ibn Salam; al-Tabari; Tha’lab; Ibn al-’A'rabi; al-Mubarrad, and many others. How could an author who allegedly forged the utterances and writings of Amir al- Mu’minin (as) be so honest in acknowledging his indebtedness to his predecessors?

Those who raised doubts about the contents of Nahj al-balagha were unaware of the high status and prestige of its compiler, both in the society and in the academic circles. A man of his eminence could not even think of fabricating sermons and letters in the name of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as).

Had any such attempt been made by anybody, Shi’i scholars themselves would have been the first to reject it, as an anthology of poetry attributed to al-’Imam ‘Ali (as) (Diwan-e ‘Ali) was never accepted by the majority of Shi’i scholars as authentic. Some other such works, for example, the commentary on the Quran attributed to al- Imam al-Hasan al-’Askari (as) or Fiqh al-Rida attributed to al Imam al-Rida (as),are at issue among Shi’i scholars. But no one among al-Radi’s contemporaries or from the successive generations of Sunni or Shi’i ‘ulama’ ever questioned Nahj al-balaghah’s authenticity for more than two centuries.

Regarding the contents of Nahj al-balaghah the Muslim scholars of all shades of opinion never doubted al-Radi’s veracity.

They were aware of the presence of earlier sources of al-’Imam ‘Ali’s utterances. There is abundant reliable evidence in support of the existence of such collections in the first and second centuries of Hijrah, from which ‘Abd al-Hamid ibn Yahyfi, Ibn al- Muqaffa’, and Zayd ibn ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib had quoted al-’Imam ‘Ali’s sermons and letters.

In the third and fourth centuries, too, several collections of ‘Ali’s khutab and rasa’il were compiled, some of which have been already referred to above. Ibn Abi al-Hadid (d. 655 or 656/1257 or 58); Taqi al-Din Ahmad, known as Ibn Taymiyyah (661-728/1263-1328); and his pupil Salah al-Din al-Safadi (d.764/1362 -63) accepted Nahj al-balaghah as a genuine collection of al Imam ‘Ali’s words. The former not only wrote one of the most famous commentaries on it, but also repudiated all doubts about its authenticity.

Ibn Taymiyyah and al-Safadi were among staunch opponents and critics of the Shi’ah, but both of them verified the authenticity of Nahj al-balagha and the veracity of al-Sharif al-Radi. Al-Safadi, in the account of al-Radi, writes:

People are of the view that Nahj al-balaghah is his own writing. But I heard my teacher, al-’Imam al-’Allamah Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn Taymiyyah say: “Nahj al-balaghah is not al-Sayyid al-Radi’s product. What in this book is the utterance of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (as) is known, and whatever is from al-Radi that is also known. (al-Wafi bi al-wafayat, vol. 2, p. 375)

Instead of going into further details of the controversy about the authenticity of Nahj al- balaghah’s ascription and forwarding more evidence against those who created doubts about it, I would recommend the keen reader to consult al-Mu’jam al-mufahras li alfaz Nahj al-balaghah, edited by al-Sayyid Kazim al-Muhammadi and al-Shaykh Muhammad al-Dashti, who have done a commendable job in preparing a very comprehensive bibliography of the sources of the book along with a detailed item- by-item list of the sources of each and every sermon, letter, and saying contained in Nahj al-balaghah. Moreover, since the death of al-Radi scholars of eminence have been always interested in writing commentaries on Nahj al-balagha, which is another very strong proof of its authenticity. So many Sunni, Mu’tazili, and Shi’i scholars would not have taken pains to comment upon al Radi’s own fabrications.

‘Ali Naqi Munzawi, in the catalogue of the library of Mishkat, donated to Tehran University, has enumerated 33 narrators of al-’Imam ‘Ali’s utterances before al-Radi and fourteen after him till the tenth Hijrah century. Danish Pizhoh, in his preface to Farman-e Malik Ashtar, edited by Husayn ‘Alawi Awi, has given a list of its early commentators. Sayyid ‘Abd al-Zahra’ al-Khatib, in Masadir Nahj al balagha wa asaniduh, has counted thirty-three books written concerning the sources of Nahj al- balaghah. Hundreds of manuscripts of Nahj al-balaghah in various libraries of the world and even a greater number of the manuscripts of other earlier works containing al-’Imam ‘Ali’s utterances invite all seekers of truth to trace the sources and ascertain the authenticity of Nahj al-balaghah. There are also numerous documents available which contain certificates and testimonials issued by eminent scholars to their pupils authorizing them to narrate the contents of Nahj al-balaghah along with the permission to narrate ahadith of the Prophet (saw) and the Imams (as). This is enough to show that Nahj al-balaghah has been considered to be of equal value in reliability with the most authentic compendiums of hadith. The narration of Nahj al-balagha’s traditions had started during the lifetime of al-Radi. Qutb al-Din al-Rawandi (d. 573/1177) in the preface of his commentary on Nahj al- balaghoh, refers to a daughter of al-Sharif al Murtada, who had studied the book under al-Radi himself and was authorized to narrate its traditions to others, and she used to narrate Nahj al-balaghah on her uncle’s authority. Shaykh ‘Abd al-Rahim al-Baghdadi has narrated from this learned lady of the family of the Imams (as).

Since the times of al-Radi, Nahj al-balaghah has been a subject of study and interpretation. As reported earlier al Sayyid al-Murtada’s daughter used to narrate her uncle’s work, and the book had become a subject of study in academic circles. The Kitab nameh yi Nahj al Balaghah published in 1359 Sham./1980 in Persian from Iran, enlists 370 titles of various commentaries, translations, selections and books dealing with its madarik and masadir (sources) in Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Turkish, English, Gujrati and French.

This bibliography cannot be considered to be complete in any way, for it is compiled in Iran and the compiler depended on secondary sources such as al-Dhari’ah, Kakh-e dilawiz, Nuqaba’ al-bashar, etc., as he had no access to the works in other languages, particularly Indian languages. A large number of titles could have been added to this list with some research in the languages unfamiliar to the Persians. A selected bibliography on the basis of this Kitab-nameh and two other books was compiled and published in al-Tawhid, vol. II, no. 2.

Selected Commentaries on Nahj al Balaghah

1. Alam Nahj al-balaghah by al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Nasir al-’Alawi, reportedly a contemporary of al-Radi. Firstly, this book refers to some other commentaries, which means it may not be the first. Secondly, its style is not that of the fifth century and the book may belong to a later period.

2. Ma’arij Nahj al-balaghah by Shaykh Abu al-Hasan Abu al-Qasim Zayd ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Ali al:Bayhaqi al-Nishaburi, popularly known as Farid-e Khurasan (d. 565/1169). This sharh is supposed to be based on the copy of Nahj al-balaghah that was approved by al-Radi himself.

3. Hada’iq al-haqa’iq: al-’isbah fi Sharh Nahj al-balaghah by Abu al-Hasan Muhammad ibn al-Husayn al-Bayhaqi al-Nishaburi, known as Qutb al-Din al-Kundari, compiled in 576/1180. Its one manuscript is in Madrasah-ye Fadiliyyah, Mashhad.

4. and 5. Al-Ma’arij fi Sharh Nahj al-balaghah (also called al -Mi’raj) and Minhaj al-bara’ah (written in 556/1170) by Qutb al-Din al-Rawandi (d. 573/1177).

6. An incomplete commentary by Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (543 or 44-606/1149-50-1209), mentioned in Ta’rikh al-hukamd by Jamal al-Din al-Qifti.

7. A commentary attributed to ‘Abd al Jabbar al-Mu’tazili, and also three other scholars contemporary of al-Shaykh al-Tusi (385-460/995-1067-68)

8. Sharh by Diya’ al-Din Abu al-Rida Fadl Allah ibn ‘Ali al-Rawandi (d. after i58/1065-66).

9. Sharh ‘Izz al-Din ibn Abi al-Hadid al-Mu’tazili(d. 656/1258). This is the most famous commentary on which several commentaries have been written. This has been translated into Persian, French and most probably in Urdu. Its selection Iltiqat al-durar al-nukhab was compiled in 1283/1866-67. Commentaries written on it number at least fifteen, among the authors of which are such eminent names as Ahmad ibn Tawus (d. 637/1239), Sayyid Hashim al-Bahrani (d. 1107/i695-96), Shaykh Yusuf al-Bahrani (1186!1772-3), Shaykh Muhsin Karim ‘Abd al-Husayn ibn Musa, Mahmud Mallah and others. Critiques of his commentary were mainly directed against his position regarding the caliphate. Though Ibn Abi al-Hadid recognized al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah as genuinely attributed to al-’Imam ‘Ali (as), he, however, tried to interpret it in accordance with Sunni belief in the legitimacy of al-Khilafat al-Rashidah.

10. Al-Sharh al-kabir by Ibn al-Maytham al-Bahrani (d. 679/1280). Ibn al-Maytham wrote other commentaries on the book also viz. Mishah al-saliEfn and its abridgement Mukhtasar Misbah al- salikin, and Minhaj al-’arifin, a commentary on Mi’at kalimah li-’Amir al-Mu’minin by al Jahiz.

11. Al-Dibaj al mudi’ fi sharh Nahj al-balaghah li al-Radi by Imam al-Mu’ayyad bi Allah Yahya ibn Hamzah al-’Alawi al-Yamani (d. 749/1348-9) which deals with the difficult words occurring in Nahj al-balaghah.

12. Mulhaq Nahj al-balaghah, a commentary written around the beginning of the eighth/ fourteenth century by Ahmad ibn Yahya, a manuscript of which copied in 729/1328-29 is in the Kitabkhaneh-yi Astaneh-yi Quds Ridawi, Mashhad.

13. Sharh al-nafa’is by an unknown Sunni author written in 759/1357-58 available in the Kitabkhaneh-yi Astaneh-yi Quds Ridawi Mashhad.

14. Sharh by Kamal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-’Ata’iqi al-Hilli compiled in 770/1368-69.

15. Minhaj al-fasahah by Kamal al-Din Husayn ibn Khwajah Sharaf al-Din ‘Abd al-Haqq al-’Ardebili Ilahi (d. 950il543-44).

16. Minhaj al-wilayah by Mulla ‘Abd al-Baqi al-Sufi al-Tabrizi al-Khattat, known as Danishmand (d. 1039/1629-30).

17. Sharh by Abu Talib Taj al-Din ‘Ali ibn Anjab, known as Ibn Sa’id (d. 674/l275-6).

18. Sharh by al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al Saffati (d. 650/1252-3).

19. Al-Tuhfat al-’Aliyyah fisharah Nahj al-balaghat at-Haydariyyah by Muhammad ibn Habib Allah, grandson of Khalifah Sultan, compiled ih 881/l476.

20. Al-Mawdhib al-Ilahiyyah by al-Sayyid Afsah al-Din Muhammad al-Shirazi (the 9th century H.).

In later centuries, numerous commentaries were written in Arabic and Persian, details of which can be found in the Kitabnameh-yi Nahj al-balaghah and al-Tawhid (English), vol. II, no.2. In addition to these several other works were compiled with regard to the sources of the contents of Nahj al- balaghah in Arabic, Urdu and Persian, among which the following can be mentioned here:

Commentaries available in Persian

1. Rida Ustadi, Bahthi kutah piramun-e Nahj al-balaghah wa madarik-e an (1396/1976).

2. Kitabnameh-yi Nahj al-balaghah by the above-mentioned author (1359 Sham./ 1980).

3. Barrasi-yi Nahj al-baldghah wa asnad-e an by Sayyid Jawad Mustafawi.

4. Pizhuhishi dar asnad wa madarik-e Nahj al-balaghah by Sayyid Muhammad Ja’fari (1356 Sham./ 1977).

Commentaries available in Arabic

1. Mustatrafat Nahj al-baldghah by Shaykh Fakhr al-Din al- Turayhi (d. 1085/1674).

2. Masadir Nahj al-balaghah by ‘Abd al-Zahra’ al-Husayni al- Khatib, in four volumes (1386/1966-67).

3. Madarik Nahj al-balaghah by al Shaykh Hadi Kashif al Ghita’ (d.1361/1942), printed in 1354/1935.

4. Madarik Nahj al-balaghah by al Shaykh ‘Abd Allah Ni’mah, published from Beirut

5. Mustadrak Nahj al-balaghah by Shaykh Kashif al Ghita, printed in 1354/1935.

6. Masadir Nahj al-balaghah by Hibat al-Din al Shahristani (1301-1386/1883-84-1966-67),

7. Ma huwa Nahj al-balaghah by al Sayyid Hibat al-Din al- Shahristani, compiled in 1352/1933-34 and printed the same year. Also translated into Persian and published twice.

A number of translations and commentaries on the Imam’s letter to Malik al-’Ashtar have been written in Persian which number around fifty, of which some were in verse. The authors of some of these shuruh are persons of eminence like Mulla Muhammad Salih Rawghani, Muhammad Husayn Furughi Dhaka’ al-Mulk (d. 1325/1907-08), Mirza Muhammad ‘Ali Furughi (1257-1321 Sham./ 1878-1942), Ahmad ibn Hafiz Qatil Kirmani, known as Adib (d. 1329/ 1911), Sharif al-’Amili, and al-’Allamah al-Majlisi (d. 1111/1699-1700). The complete text of Nahj al-balaghah was also translated in verse many a time. In Arabic, too, the letter to Malik al-’Ashtar was commented upon by numerous scholars.

Al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah had been also attracting the attention of Arab commentators and Persian translators. Nahj al-balaghah’s Persian translations started to appear much earlier than the Safawids came to power. Husayn ibn Sharaf al-Din Ardebili, a contemporary of Shah Isma’il Safawi, translated Nahj al-balaghah which was published in 1355/1936 with the Arabic text. Among the popular Persian translations we can name the ones by Sayyid ‘Ali Naqi Fayd al-’Islam, Jawad Fadil, and Asad Allah Mubashshiri. Among the early translations one was done by Nizam al-Din ‘Ali ibn al-Hasan al-Gilani, which was completed in 1036/1626-27. The earliest Persian translation is by Mulla Fath Allah al-Kashani (d. 988/1580-81) under the title Tanbih al-ghafilin, a third printing of which came out of the press in 1313/1895-96. A popular revolutionary leader and scholar Ayatullah Sayyid Mahmud Taliqani (d. 1399/ 1979) also translated Nahj al-balaghah and published it with his commentary in 1326 Sham./1947.

Urdu translations of Nahj al Balaghah

1. al-’Isha’ah by Sayyid Awlad Hasan ibn Muhammad Hasan Amruhawi (d. 1338/1919-20), Nayrang-e fasahat by Dhakir Husayn Akhtar Dehlawi, and three other translations by Zafar Mahdi ibn Sayyid Warith Husayn Ja’isi, Ra’is Ahmad Ja’fari (a Sunni author), and Mufti Ja’far Husayn. All these translations were accompanied by notes and comments.

2. I’jaz Husayn Badayuni (d. 1350/1931-32) compiled a book to explain difficult words of the book under the name Hall-e lughat-e Nahj al-balaghah.

3. Imtiyaz ‘Ali Khan ‘Arshi’s Istinad-e Nahj al-balaghah has already been discussed. Aqa Buzurg al-Tehrani, in al- Dhari’ah ila tasanif al-Shi’ah, has referred to another Tarjumah wa sharh in Urdu by Sayyid ‘Ali Azhar Khajwi al- Hindi (d. 1352/1933-34).

4. Sayyid Sibt al-Hasan al-Hanswi’s work Minhaj Nahj al-balaghah is rated among the best of its kind in Urdu. A few years ago Mahmud Husayn Qaysar Amruhawi published a lengthy article in many parts in an Urdu journal on the sources of Nahj al-balaghah and the authenticity of the ascription of its contents to al-’ Imam ‘Ali (as). There are, of course, a number of articles and booklets compiled about Nahj al-balaghah in Urdu

Nahj al-balaghah comprises various issues that cover major problems of metaphysics, theology, fiqh, tafsir, hadith, prophetology, imamate, ethics,social philosophy, history, politics, administration, civics, science, rhetoric, poetry, literature, etc. Most of the discussions about various theological issues and philosophical notions in Islam have their origin in this very book. Similarly, all the controversies regarding socio-political problems in the Muslim society and state left their echo in Nahj al-balaghah,or rather those were inspired from the utterances of al-lmam ‘Ali (as).

The book not only reflects the spirit of early Islam and the teachings of the Quran and the Prophet (saw) in the proper perspective, but also serves as a guide to traverse the future in the light of these teachings.

It is a matter of regret that Nahj al-balaghah was not properly utilized by the Muslims as a source book of Islamic philosophy, kalam, fiqh, and ethics due to misconceptions about its attribution to al-Imam’Ali (as) In the presence of strong and sufficient evidence in support of the contents of the book being authentic, it was sheer prejudice and lack of the spirit of inquiry that was responsible for neglecting such a reliable source of Islamic ideas.

In recent times, the Orientalists have spread the unfounded doubts of Ibn Khallikan and al-Dhahabi among Muslim and non-Muslim scholars in the name of objectivity in research, thus giving a respectable appearance to their ignorance, which was, of course, combined and prompted by their motive to ali enate the Muslims from their intellectual heritage. I know many a scholar in India and Pakistan questioning the authenticity of Nahj al-balaghah’s ascription to

Amir al-Mu’minin using lofty words of research-objectivity with a hefty-pose of a dispassionate seeker of truth. None of them, I am sure, ever studied any book about early sources of the sermons and letters of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as), nor did any one of them ever try to gain really objective information about the book. Unfortunately none of them bothered to go through even the valuable research done by Imtiyaz ‘Ali Khan ‘Arshi, a widely read and respected writer in the literary circles of Urdu in the Subcontinent.

It was because of my first-hand knowledge of this pitiable situation that I have intentionally devoted the major part of the present article to the issue of the authenticity of the attribution of the contents of Nahj al-Balaghah, in the light of earlier sources, to ‘Ali (as).

Those who insist upon denying the veracity of Nahj al-balaghah are either suffering from a malady of deep-rooted prejudice spread through the propaganda of the supporters of Banu Umayyah, or their minds and spirits have been blinded by the propagation of falsehood by the Orientalists under the garb of high-sounding academic jargon. If our minds are cured of this jaundiced perception of our own past, Nahj al-balagha can be paid the attention it deserves and its contents will be studied and its meanings will be fully explored and exploited for a better understanding of Islamic ideas and realities.

A look at the subjects discussed in Nahj al-balagha will be helpful in ascertaining the wide scope of this invaluable treasure of wisdom. So far a few attempts to classify the subject matter of the book have been made none of which has been comprehensive. A subject-wise index of the contents of Nahj al-balaghah has been prepared by ‘Ali Ansariyan and published in Arabic under the title al-Dallil ‘ala mawdu’at Nahj al-balaghah in 1395/1975. It was translated and published three years ago in Persian with the sub-title Nahj al-balaghah mawdu’i.

The compiler has divided the contents into eight categories, each dealing with a specific subject further divided into various issues pertaining to the main theme.

The main divisions are as follows:

1. Ma’rifat Allah,
2. Ma’rifat al-kawn,
3. Ma’rifat al-hujjah,
4. Ma’rifat nizam al-huqumah wa al-mujtama’,
5. Ma’rifat al-’ahkam,
6. Wa’rifat al-’akhlaq,
7. Ma’rifat al-ta’rikh, and
8. Ma’rifat al-ma’dd

The major issues covered under the main categories can be summarized here:

1. Ma’rifat Allah (knowledge about God): The utterances and writings of Amir al-Mu’minin on God and His Attributes are divided into eighteen sub- headings in the following manner:

1. tawhid, the Unity of God;
2. sifat al-dhat, the Attributes of Essence;
3. ‘ilm wal hikmah, the Knowledge and Wisdom of God;
4. ‘azamah wa qudrah, Greatness and Power of God;
5. basir, Seer;
6. sami’, Hearer;
7. hayy, Living;
8. mutakallim, Speaker;
9. jabarutiyyah, Omnipotence;
10. ‘adl, Divine-Justice;
11. nusrah wa intiqam, Help and vengeance of God;
12. al-tawakkul ‘alayh, Dependence on God;
13. al-tahmid lahu, Praise to God;
14. al-’isti’anah bih, Seeking assistance from God;
15. al-razzdq wa al-rizq, the Provider and the provision, divided into further sub-issues;
16. worship and worshippers, divided into sub-headings dealing with various forms and kinds of worship and worshippers, the worst and the best human beings, and worship of other than God;
17. manifestation of God and the Beatific Vision;
18. al-qada’ wa al-qadar, Divine Will and Intention;

2. Ma’rifat al-kawn , knowledge of the universe:

1. heaven and the earth;
2. creation and the properties of living beings under this topic al-’Imam ‘Ali’s descriptions of various animals such as the bat, the ant, the peacock and other birds are given;
3. many various aspects of human nature;
4. angels, their worship and utterances with special reference to Jibra’il and Mika’il;
5. Satan.

3. Ma’rifat al-hujjah, knowledge about the Proofs of God,: The first part of it is devoted to prophetology; that is, the characteristics and the aims of the prophets, their companions and families, their character, etc.; the next seven sections, from the second to the eighth, deal with the lives of Adam, Abel and Cain, Salih, Moses and Aaron, Banu Isra’il, David and Solomon, and Christ; the ninth section is devoted to the life and character of the Prophet Muhammad (saw), spread over 230 pages further divided into sub-issues to discuss the pre Islamic Arabs,the Family of the Prophet (saw), the main objectives of the prophetic mission, miracles, wives of the Prophet (saw), the finality of his prophethood, hadith and the criteria of reliability and grades of authenticity, hadith-interpretation, Companions, jihad and the battles of the Prophet, the demise of the Prophet (saw) and its consequences; Ahl al-Bayt (as), Fatimah (as), al-Hasan (as) and al-Husayn (as), Ahl al-Bayt and zakat; the Quran: classification of verses, tafsir by conjecture (ra’y), the role of the Imam in the interpretation of the Quran, the attributes of the Quran, teaching of the Quran, important of correct understanding of the Quran,qira’ah of the Quran, tafsir of some verses.

Under the life of the Prophet, the meaning and the conditions of Islam are also dealt with, with reference to the characteristics of the Muslims and their dignity. Iman and mu’min form the theme of a separate section; at the end, infidelity (kufr) and its characteristies are discussed. The tenth issue under hujjah concerns the caliphate and the Imamate with specific reference to the leadership of Ahl al-Bayt (as) [the Imams of the Family of the Prophet (saw). The eleventh part deals with the issues related to the oath of allegiance (bay’ah).

The twelth part contains the utterances of al-Imam ‘Ali (as) concerning his own Imamate and his own role in the advancement of the cause of Islam; some sections give autobiographical details about the Imam. ‘Ali’s zuhd, justice, dress and food habits, humility and courage. The last section of this part is about Amir al-Mu’minin’s sayings about al-Imam al-Mahdi (as), his identity and his appearance.

4. Ma’rifat nizam al-hukamah wa al-mujtama’ (system of govern-ance and society): This part deals with the issues of society and politics, and is perhaps the most relevant to present-day Islam and the Muslim world. It spreads over more than four hundred pages.

Such an in-depth treatment of the subject is indicative of the Imam’s concern for socio-political life of the Ummah. The issues covered are:

1. Justice and oppression: forms of oppression and traits of oppressors; responsibilities of the just Imams; the duty of al-mu’minun vis-a-vis justice and oppression.
2. Right and wrong (haqq and batil): distinction between right and wrong; criterion of right; reciprocal rights and duties; duty towards God; and mutual duties of parents and children.
3. Semblance of truth.
4. Poverty.
5. People and their kinds: causes of differences and their sources; role of various groups in social changes; people’s inner transformation, a prerequisite for reform; role of healthy elements in society; characteristics of evil and anti-social elements in society; people’s attitude towards social change.
6. Government and society; this part is divided into twenty-three fusul (chapters).

1. The most fundamental objectives and duties of Islamic government.
2. The characteristics of rulers.
3. The duties of rulers towards people.
4. Ministers and advisers.
5. People’s rights: social classes and their mutual dependence; the responsibilities of the army; and functions of rulers in fulfilling people’s rights. 6. The Islamic army and choice of commanders.
7. The mutual rights of people and rulers.
8. Whom to refer to resolve differences?
9. Courts of justice and qadis.
10. Officials and functionaries of government, their mode of selection; the ruler’s duty towards them.
11. Information and intelligence of the State, and military intelligence.
12. Taxes, public treasury (bayt al-mal), and tax payers: means of levying taxes; protection and guarding of public treasury; heads of expenditure of public funds; equitable distribution of bayt al-mal; and problem of misappropriation of bayt al-mal.
13. Secretaries and record-keepers of official matters (ministers and high officials).
14. Businessmen and industrialists: administration of economic affairs, and government’s supervision of economic matters of the State.
15. The oppressed and the deprived sections of society, and ruler’s duties towards them.
16. Governors’ direct contact with people for listening to their grievances, and people’s right to have aecess to rulers.
17. Governors’ personal responsibility in certain matters.
18. Direct supervision by governors and government authorities of current affairs of the State.
19. Ruler, his family and relatives.
20. Duty of governors vis-a-vis charges levelled against them.
21. Pacts and peace treaties with other States.
22. Guidelines for performance of governors’ individual and social functions.
23. Seeking God’s help for being just.

5. Ma’rifat al-’ahkam (religious laws): This part is divided into eighteen sub-headings. The first section contains the Imam’s views about the philosophy of laws. The second and the third sections deal with prayer (salat) and the virtue of congregation prayer, Friday prayer and midnight prayer. The fourth section is devoted to the Imam’s sayings about fasting (sawm ). The fifth one comprises Amir al- Mu’minin’s interpretation of laws regarding women’s obligation in compulsory matters. The remaining chapters deal with the following issues: the sixth about almsgiving (zakat); the seventh about property laws; the eighth about Hajj pilgrimage and the Holy Ka’bah; the ninth about al-’Amr bi al-ma’ruf wa al-nahy ‘an al-munkar (enjoining good and prohibiting evil), one of the fundamentals of faith (furu’al-Din) that covers all forms of activities, social, political, economic, as well as individual duties. The tenth and the eleventh chapters deal with laws concerning jihad, a term with a very wide range of connotations, but its special meaning covers all forrns of struggle against unbelief, which itself embraces various forms of injustice and oppression, denial of God is an atrocity against one’s own self. In this section, emphasis is on the laws pertaining to war and military activity; the last two sub headings deal with martyrdom and martyrs, and peace treaty with enemies. The twelfth chapter is about injunctions regarding the circumstances which necessitate hiding of faith with the purpose of defending individual as well as collective existence of the Muslims (taqiyyah). The thirteenth chapter is devoted to the laws of business transactions with special emphasis on usury (riba) and loan. The fourteenth chapter covers laws about adultery (zina). The next four chapters discuss issues involved in theft, murder, dying of the hair, and laws concerning human conduct in desperate situations (ahkam al-mudtarr).

6. Ma’rifat al-’akhlaiq (ethical laws): This is the longest section of the book, spreading over six hundred pages. The first part of this section covers general issues of morality in the following order:

1. reason, its virtue, forms, effects, and functions; limitations of reason and evil consequences of its misuse;

2. contemplation and intellection;

3. the heart as the inner faculty which is the source of moral virtues and evils; its general condition and relation with other organs of the body; its qualities and means of strength, weakness, hardening, and limitations;

4. knowledge: definition and scope; useful and useless forms of knowledge; relation between knowledge and practice; effects of knowledge; teaching and learning; limitations of human knowledge;

5. theologians and their duties;

6. misguided and misleading ‘ulama’;

7. wisdom and the role of learned persons in society;

8. the wood and the Hereafter-salient features of worldly life; comparison and contrast between the world and the Hereafter; temporality of the world and eternity of the Hereafter; relation between the two; purpose of the creation of the world; deception and pride of the world; proper and improper utilization of the world; world-outlook of awliya ‘, the Prophet of Islam (saw), pious persons, and al-’Imam ‘Ali (as); man’s attitude to the world;

9. capital and its distribution;

10. good and evil.

The second part of ethical discussions deals with moral behaviour and conduct. This is itself divided into ten sections dealing with various modes of conduct:

1. repentance and seeking forgirveness (tawbah and istighfar);

2. piety (taqwa);

3. characteristics of muttaqun;

4. zuhd;

5. patience and resignation (sabr);

6. the tongue, its function and its relation to other organs of the body; tongue-control;

7. friendship and friends: how to choose friends; reliance and dependence on friends; mutual duties of friends;

8. manners and courtesy;

9. forbearance and patience;

10. abstention from self-praise.

Moral vices are discussed under the following: lust and love (in its negative sense); miserliness; extravagance; envy; pride; hypocrisy and hypocrites (nifaq and munafiqun);deceit or self-indulgence(narcissism).

At the end of this section certain moral issue with reference to women are dealt with. The concluding part gives an account of supplication, its need, circumstances and effects, with some of the supplications of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as) on different occasions.

7. Mairifat al-ta’rikh (history): This section gives us an idea of al-’Imam ‘Ali’s view of history and historical events, divided into sixteen parts, and each part divided further into many sub-headings provides an intimate picture of the life and times of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as), his contem-poraries,and the Prophet (saw):

1. Analysis of history: main currents and traditions in history; causes of the rise and fall of nations; and lessons from history.

2. Life history of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as); glimpses of an autobiographi-cal account of the life of the Imam (as) with reference to his role in the unity of the Ummah by foregoing his right and snubbing divisive efforts of some opportunists.

3. Saqifat Bani Sa’idah

4. Fadak

5. Al-Imam ‘Ali (as) and the caliphs, Abu Bakr, ‘Umar and ‘Uthman; the Imam’s role as an adviser during the period of ‘Umar’s caliphate; the Shura’s role in the election of ‘Umar’s successor; reasons of the Imam’s allegiance to ‘Uthman, and the latter’s deviations; ‘Ali’s counsel to ‘Uthman; ‘Ali’s innocence in the assassination of the third caliph and his stand after the assassination.

6. The caliphate of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as): the Imam’s reasons for being reluctant to accept the caliphate; people’s pressure and insistence; declaration of the Imam’s policies and programmes.

7. Parties and groups opposing the Imam.

8. The Battle of Jamal with special reference to the role of ‘A’ishah, Talhah and al-Zubayr; the Imam’s attitude during and after the battle towards his opponents (the Nakithun).

9. The Battle of Siffin: the role of the Qasitun; the Imam’s reasons for fighting the Qasitun; his attempts to convince the Qasitun about the evil consequences of war.

10. Tahkim: the evil of the tahkim and its roots; the Imam’s reasons for rejecting the proposed arbitration; evil and far-reaching consequences of the arbitration.

11. The Khawarij: the Khawarij’s role and their misleading notions; the Imam’s repeated efforts to pursuade the Khawarij from fighting before the Battle of Nahrawan; the Imam’s anticipation of the fate of the Khawarij.

12. The last days of the Imam: the Imam’s foreknowledge of his martyrdom; the last sermon; the Imam’s words on the dawn of the nineteenth of Ramadan before being fatally injured; the last moments of the Imam (as) and his will.

13. Praise and criticism of the Imam’s companions: basic traits of the disheartened elements; comparison of the Imam’s companions with those of the Prophet (saw) and those of Mu’awiyah; relations between the Imam (as) and his companions; their praise; evil consequences of disobeying the Imam (as)

14. Opponents of the Imam ‘Ali’s rule and the reasons for their dissent.

15. Events of Egypt: the appointment of Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr and its abrogation; the appointment of Malik al-’Ashtar; the Imam’s letter to the people of Egypt; the assassination of Malik al-’Ashtar; Malik al-’Ashtar’s great qualities; the martyrdom of Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr.

16. Personages: Abu Dharr; al-’Ash’ath ibn Qays; the companions of al- Mada’in; Umru’ al-Qays; Anas ibn Malik; al-Burj ibn Mushir al- Ta’-i, Banu Umayyah and their disruptive role in Islam; Hamzah and Ja’far al-Tayyar; Khabbab ibn al-’Arat; Khadijah; Sa’id ibn Malik; Sa’id ibn Namran; Abu Sufyan; Sa’sa’ah ibn , Sawhan; ‘Amr ibn al- ‘As; the Quraysh, their tribal background and their opposition to the Imam, and the Imam’s attitude towards the Quraysh; Kumayl ibn Ziyad al-Nakha’i; Marwan ibn al-Hakam; Masqalah ibn Hubayrah; Mu’awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan and the Imam’s correspondence with him; al-Mughirah ibn Akhnas and a’l-Mughirah ibn Shu’bah.

17. The Imam’s historical and eschatological foresight: conditions of the last days of the world; destiny of Basrah and Kufah; destiny of the Arabs; duties and responsibilities of the faithful (mu’minun) in the last days.

8. Masrifat al-Ma’ad (Resurrection and the Hereafter): death, its agonies and mysteries; the mu’min’s preparedness for death; the Angel of Death; what happens after death?; learning lesson from death and graveyard; the Day of Judgement: proof of Resurrection; symptoms of the Last Day; judgement of human deeds; Sirat; human condition on the Day of Judgement; heaven and hell.

The above-quoted index of subjects in Nahj al-balaghah reveals a vast span of themes and issues. As it suggests, it can be used as a source and guide in the theory and practice of Ijtihad. Shi’i ‘ulama’ have been using Nahj al-balagha as a guide in the matters of fiqh. How far is Nahj al-balaghah dependable and useful as a source book of fiqh? After the four major Shi’i compendiums of hadith Nahjal-balaghah stands higher than all other collections of hadith. Besides the traditions of the Prophet (saw) this is surely the most authentic guide in theology, morality, fiqh, social administration, political theory and its practice, and many other matters which are vital for Muslim society and are relevant to our own predicament in the modern age.

Nasir Makarim Shirazi, in one of his articles on the role of Nahj al-balagha in fiqh, has discussed the question of the worth of the traditions contained in the book. Can we use these traditions as a secure foundation for deriving the ahkam of fiqh? Do they fulfil the criteria of reliability laid down in Usul al-fiqh? Does a tradition relating to moral, social and political matters need not fulfil the conditions of hujbiyyah (proof) as required in the issues of fiqh? His answer is:

Whatever is contained in it regarding the issues of belief is supported by rational and philosophical arguments. And it ought to have been so; for, the principles of belief are established conclusively only through this method. They cannot be proved on the basis of a single tradition. This principle is applicable to most of the guidelines concerning politics and society. Therefore, dependence on tradition in such matters is not required (in the presence of rational arguments). In the sphere of moral problems, also, dependence on tradition is not of fundamental importance; because the fundamentals of morality are self evident and are in harmony with nature. The role of a moral guide is to ingrain these principles in the souls of his followers, and to stimulate them to move in their direction ;such a job does not depend on any authority. Especially in moral matters that do not fall under the categories of the obligatory (wajib) and the prohibited (haram), but come in the jurisdiction of the desirable (mustahabb), the application of this criterion is obvious; for they can be accepted on the well-known principle of al-tasumuh ‘an adillat al-sunan, that is non-essentiality of citing textual evidence for mustahabbat, often practised by the authorities in usul.

But in legal matters (masa’il al-fiqh) in general, and in matter of worship wajib and haram in particular, one is bound to refer to an authentic tradition. In such matters howsoever strong an argument may be, it will not stand on its own in the absence of a tradition. Though the importanee of authority is not denied in other matters too, its vital role in the matters of fiqh is undeniable.

1. It is a matter of regret that al-Sayyid al-Radi, the compiler of Nahj al-balaghah, has not paid due attention to support most of the sermons, letters and stray sayings with asnad, the chain of narrators. As a result, Nahj al-balaghah comes down to us in the form of hadith mursal. However, we have access to many an early souree of these traditions to prove their authenticity through chain of reliable narrators, and most probably al-Radi didn’t pay attention to furnish their asnad due to their well-known availability in other sourees. Or he had other stronger reasons for avoiding referenee to asnad. He might have considered their contents to be above any doubt.

2. Another means of proving the reliability of a tradition is its compatibility with the Quran … We apply this criterion with regard to the traditions of the Infallible Imams (as). Employment of this method in the case of Nahj al- balaghah is of much value.

3. The third way to ascertain the authority of a tradition is its fame and general acceptability among the ‘ulama’. If we accede to this criterion, Nahj al-balaghah is at the zenith of fame and is greatly respected by scholars of eminence, who support their ideas with quotations from this book and refer to its authority in various matters …

4. Another means of arriving at the target, that is, establishing the authenticity of a tradition or a book, is the spiritual sublimity of its content. What is meant by sublimity of meaning is its higher level of spirituality and inspiration, which implicitly leads us to believe that it can’t originate in a fallible mind. This criterion is acceptable to a number of great fuqaha’ … For instance al-Shaykh al-’A'zam al- ‘Allamah al-’Ansari, in the Rasa’il, accepts a well known tradition of al-’Imam al-Hasan al-’Askari in the matter of undesirable (madhmum) and desirable (matlub) imitation (taqlid) … or Ayatullah Burujardi refers to the words of al-Sahifat al-Sajjadiyyah in the context of Friday prayer. Though al-Sahifat al-Sajjadiyyah has not reached us through a chain of authorities, sublimity of its content reveals that it could not have been issued from the tongue of an ordinary mortal.

On the basis of these various criteria, of which the first one can be applied only with reference to the early sources of the tradition that have occurred in Nahj al-balaghah, it is concluded that the book can be justifiably used as an authority in ijtihadat. The writer of the above mentioned article has furnished a long list of traditions which have been or can be used in fiqh.

Nahj al-balaghah is also of great value in construing the Islamic approach to various issues of vital significance to the present world of Islam.