Human rights the key message of Islam

Islam is the religion of peace, tolerance, equality and treats human being with high dignity and honor. In Quran we read Allah address human being as “O People”, “O you men”,”O children of Adam” or sometime address as “O people! Be care full of your duty to your lord, who created you from a single being and created its mate of the same kind and spread from these two, many men and women,” {2}

Islam teaches us to treat mankind as gift of Allah and Human beings as descendents of Allah, Islam recognizes only one quality of human beings that is to be careful of their duties to their lord. Islam not only respects the life of a human being but life of an animal and bird is also precious and killing of an animal as a game, joy or entertainment has been forbidden by Islam, and has mentioned place of such person in hell. About killing a believer has said:

“And whoever kills a believer intestinally, his punishment is hell; he shall abide in it, and Allah will sent his wrath on him and curse him and prepares for him a painful chastisement.” {3}.

Islam has not only mentioned punishment of a killer for the day of resurrection only but for this world also:

“And do not kill anyone whom Allah has forbidden except for a just cause, and whoever is slain unjustly, we have indeed given to his heir authority, so let not exceed the just limits in slaying, surely he is aided.”{4}.

Islam has considered the blood of human beings very pious and respectful and killing of innocent human being is equal to kill entire human beings:

“if any one slew a person – unless it be for murder or for spreading mischief in the land – it would be as if he slew the whole people: and if any one saved a life, it would be as if h e saved the life of the whole people. Then although there came to them Our apostles with clear signs, yet, even after that, many of them continued to commit excesses in the land.”{5}

There is no discrimination between killing adults and children, the crime is same.

“And do not kill your children for fear of poverty; we give them sustenance and yourselves [too] surely to kill them is a great wrong.” {6}

Holly prophet [PBUH] in that speech, which he delivered in his last year of life in MINA, Said:
O peoples your blood and wealth is forbidden to each other till the day of resurrection. [7].
IBN- E- ABAS says in the period of Holly prophet [PBUH] somebody was killed in MADINA but killer was unidentified, when this news was heard by Holly prophet [PBUH] he went on MEMBER and said:

If the people living on earth and space will participate in killing of a human being Allah will punish all of them.”[8].

Islam never differentiates between Muslims and non-Muslims in their right of living. A Muslim can’t be against a non-Muslim until he (non Muslim) will come forefront to offend Islam and Muslims. When a non-Muslim doesn’t want to hurt the sentiments of Islam and Muslims, Islam guarantees agreements with him and his protection of life, Honor, dignity, wealth, Faith and care of his belongings.

The Holly prophet [PBUH] said:
Whosoever will act against mutual agreement will never smell the perfume of heaven. [9].

And also said:
Whosoever will kill an AHL -E- ZEMAH [a non Muslim living with Muslims in no way wants to offend Islam and Muslims] Allah has forbidden heaven upon him forever. [10].

Human rights are key massage of Islam therefore Law of retaliation is there to secure the peaceful society:

“And we prescribed to them in it that life is for life, and eye for eye, and tooth for tooth, and [that there is] reprisal in wounds; but he who foregoes it, it shall be an expiation for him, and whoever did not judge by what Allah revealed, these are they that are the unjust.” {11}.

“And there is life for you in the law of retaliation men of understanding that you may guard yourselves.” {12}.

Here I want to conclude this topic [Islam and Human Rights], which is a very vast subject .So for as my little study, is concern Islam is only religion that has defended the rights of Human beings with top priority. Here I will never hesitate to say that as per saying of Islam anyone who violates the basic rights of human beings doesn’t have the right to proclaim as follower of Islam.

May Allah help us to practice the guidelines of Holly QURAN and follow the footprints of Holly prophet [PBUH] and his progeny [AS].
Wasalam Alikum
Abdulhussain Kashmiri
Ref: -
1 Quran; 2: 42
2 Quran; 4: 1
3 Quran; 4: 93
4 Quran; 17: 33
5 Quran; 5: 32
6 Quran; 17:31
7 SERAH IBNE HESHAM Vol. 2 p 603
8 HAQOOQ AL INSAN p57
9 HAQOOQ AL INSAN p57
10 HAQOOQ AL INSAN p57
11 Quran; 5: 45
12 Quran; 2: 179

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Caste, class, and community in India: an ethnographic approach.

The anthropology of India has been dominated by an emphasis on caste that has inhibited an integrated approach to understanding class in India. Using an ethnographic approach that takes into account the symbolic and material aspects of caste and class, this article focuses on the attempts to form a “community” of potters among a large group of potter-artisans in central India. It is problematic, however, to view this community as a federation of potter castes or as simply a bloc of classes. Katznelson’s (1986) insights into different aspects of class formation help to understand how caste and class get constructed in the formation of a community. Here the apparently caste-based dispositions of potters reveals a class consciousness that is culturally organized by a custom that men work the potter’s wheel and women do the marketing. (Caste, class community, India)

**********

In the 1980s and 1990s, the anthropology of caste in India underwent a radical revision in reaction to the revolution in caste studies that Louis Dumont’s structuralist approach heralded in the 1960s and 1970s (Dumont 1970). The critiques highlighted three debilitating effects of Dumont’s approach: 1) that it thwarts the comparative aim of sociology and anthropology, since Indians are represented as being so different as to preclude comparison, 2) that it makes the reality of caste stand for India, which is far more complex, and 3) that it explains caste in idealist ways as a cultural construct devoid of material content, resulting in the mythology of a single hierarchy based on purity and pollution, along which all castes in India can purportedly be arranged. The last critique has also been extended to show how Dumont mistakenly makes secular power appear as subordinate to ritual status (Beteille 1979; Berreman 1979; Appadurai 1992; Dirks 1987; Gupta 2000; Quigley 1993, 1994; Raheja 1988). But, despite the critical import of these critiques, they do not bring class into the study of caste in any systematic manner. Anthropological studies of India seem to remain removed from developing an integrated approach to caste and class.

Fuller and Spencer (1990) note that the decline in the 1970s of the “village studies model” of Indian anthropology enabled a shift of focus from caste and the caste system towards other and larger structures such as class, religion, and violence. But it is noteworthy that debates on class formation in India have long been dominated by economists, historians, Marxists, development sociologists, and some political scientists. There is, however, a small body of classic anthropological works that have dealt with caste and class (Beteille 1966; Ghurye 1950; Gough 1955; Gupta 1980; Meillassoux 1973; Mencher 1974) and some more recent works (Dickey 1993; Kapadia 1995). The anthropology of India arguably is still weak on discussing political and economic issues, especially those that integrate the traditional strengths of studying caste with attention to issues of class. This article attempts to develop an ethnographic approach to class using the traditional anthropological emphasis on caste in India. Attention to the different aspects of class analysis is perhaps the best way for a focus on caste to enter the debate around class formation in India, for anthropologists can ask questions about culture and capital, community and class, and about class-consciousness and caste-consciousness in ways that elude researchers who neglect the material reality of caste. The materiality of caste needs some emphasizing due to the tendency to treat it as either ideological (as a mask for class or economic exploitation) or as an idealized social structure without any material basis (i.e., as kinship or religious system).

THE MATERIAL BASIS OF CASTE

Conventional anthropological understandings of caste are not totally devoid of material content. For example, Srinivas (1962) advanced the concept of “dominant caste” as the most useful way to understand caste on the ground. A dominant caste has six attributes; namely, a sizeable amount of the arable land locally available, strength of numbers, a high place in the local hierarchy, Western education, jobs in government administration, and urban sources of income (Srinivas 1966:10-11). But the historian and sociologist, Mukherjee (2000:337), points out that

these attributes are secondary or tertiary expressions of the formation of the top stratum of the class structure in rural society. But the proclamation of class relations was an anathema to these conservative scholars. So, class was forcibly funneled into an amorphous identity of the “Dominant Caste” because, as later admitted by its progenitor, all its six attributes need not be present in one caste entity. In other words, the “Dominant Caste”

Mukherjee (2000) argues that the concept of dominant caste is actually an attempt at speaking of the ways in which the caste structure has increasingly articulated itself within a class structure, and that social reality today is neither caste in itself nor caste and class, but actually caste in class where the “class structure has cut across the caste hierarchy, forming new alliances and antagonisms” (Mukherjee 2000:338).

Indeed it is in the process of withering away with the march of history or otherwise remains atavistic, such as the distinction

 

between the Jews and Gentiles, the Hindus and the Muslims. Yet, it is propped up, for their own sake, by the politicians and a brand of social scientists (Mukherjee 2000:338-9).

Mukherjee is too quick to announce the death of caste in India. Moreover, it does injustice to the large body of critical work on the social production of identities, forms of social distinction, and formation of group interests other than class that exist in ideological space and competition with class, all of which show that phenomena such as caste are not simply imagined and propped up by scholars and politicians. Finally, one wonders how atavistic institutions such as caste or religious identities continue to exist if they are but conjured up by scholars and politicians.

An earlier attempt to integrate an analysis of caste, class, and capitalism in today’s India used statistical evidence of occupational categories and caste identities to show that whereas Indian feudalism was …

To be continued…………………

Syed Muntazir Mehdi

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Global Warming

Global warming is the warming near the earth’s surface that results when the earth’s atmosphere traps the sun’s heat. The earth is getting warmer. The changes are small, so far, but they are expected to grow and speed up. Within the next fifty to one hundred years, the earth may be hotter than it has been in the past million years. As oceans warm and glaciers melt, land and cities along coasts may be flooded. Heat and drought may cause forests to die and food crops to fail. Global warming will affect weather everywhere, plants and animals everywhere, people everywhere; humans are warming the earth’s atmosphere by burning fuels, cutting down forest, and by taking part in other activities that release certain heat trapping gases into the air.
One major cause of global warming is the use of fossil fuels. Fossil fuels like coal, oil, and natural gas that were formed from the remains of plant material deposited during the earth’s carboniferous period. We have known for only a few thousand years that coal, oil, and natural gas can be burned to provide energy. It was not until the mid-1800s, however, that we began to burn very large quantities of these fossil fuels. The worldwide consumption of fossil fuel has increased dramat
Unfortunately, burning fossil fuels is not the only thing that we humans are doing to increase the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. In many parts of the world today, forests are being destroyed at an alarming rate. Enormous numbers of trees are being cut down, both to provide timber and to clear the land for farming or ranching. This destructive process is called deforestation. In order to clear forests for agriculture, people cut down and burn all the trees in area. When the flames die down, nothing is left but acres of blackened, lifeless countryside. The fire destroys all the plants and kills or drives off the animals. Because there has been little attempt to replant trees in deforested areas, the world’s forests are disappearing very quickly.
If we can reduce the greenhouse gases going into the atmosphere, we probably can slow the rate of global warming and climate. There are a number of things that we can do to prepare for the changes that are coming. If we act now, perhaps we can “soften the blow” of the greenhouse effect. In the future, the weather cold change much more dramatically from year to year than it does now. As global warming alters habitats, many kinds of animals will be on the move, but all sorts of barriers will stand between them and a new place to live. To help animals get around these barriers, it might be necessary to set up migration corridors that connect natural areas with one another. Without human intervention, many kinds of plants also may not survive as the earth’s climate changes. Forests, in particular, may need our help. If climate changes come rapidly, few tree species will be able to spread into new areas fast enough to keep up with changing conditions.
Glaciers are large, thick masses of slow-moving ice that persist from year to year. They cover about a tenth of the earth’s land surface. The vast ice sheets of Antarctica and Greenland account for most of this area. Smaller ice caps are found in Scandinavia, Caffin Island, Iceland, and elsewhere. In addition, there are tons of thousands of valley glaciers that follow stream channels down mountain slopes. All together, glaciers contain about seventy-five percent of the available fresh water of the earth. Because global warming is expected to be greatest in polar and temperate regions, scientists expect the glaciers to melt more rapidly than they do today. An executive summary of a United Stations survey published in 1990 concluded that if worldwide “business as usual” continues, the resulting global temperature increased would produce mean sea-level rise of about twenty-five inches by the end of the next century. Other studies predict such increases will occur as soon as 2040. Much depends on how fast the polar ice melts. If global warming accelerates and the ice melts faster than expected, ocean levels may rise as much as ten feet by 2100.

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“It is Imperative for the parents to choose the career of their children

I don’t agree with the statement “It is Imperative for the parents to choose the career of their children”- I`m firmly of the opinion that children should 

Biologically and psychologically speaking, there exists individual variation. Individuals have got different personalities; they have different intelligences, aptitudes, abilities, capacities, capabilities, skills, interests and passions Thus, individuals not only vary, but no two individuals are alike not even Identical Twins. Neither I`m going to discuss Gardner`s “Frames of mind or Multiple Intelligences” here nor I want to get involved in the debate of “Nature and Nurture Issues”, But we have to except the fact of Individual Uniqueness which is taken for granted so much that the uniqueness of our individual uniqueness and its value gets buried under the taken for granted commonality of it.A person should choose or Get a “Right Career”. By a “Right Career” I mean – “a career of choice, a career which interests him, something which one has a passion for, as a Passion for a particular job generates, enthusiasm, determination, conviction, zeal and commitment and thus one can derive total job satisfaction, high morale, effectualness and work efficacy.

The career choice in no way should be in conflict with one`s aptitudes, interests or passions. The choice should never be a pressurized one. A person who is forced to pursue a career in medicine may not have the specific personal qualities required to out-strip in this field and may not be able to dedicate himself entirely to the job. Even though this career ensures a regular and sizable income, the most obvious downside would be the sacrifice of his happiness. Besides, he can`t do justice with his profession, can`t prove himself to be a good doctor and fails to contribute to the society. If, however, cooking is where his true passion lies, there is no saying how far he could go on this path. It is more advisable to be an exceptional Chef than to be a second rate doctor. However, these days’ chefs earn as much as doctors- sometimes even more.

 

Parents should not force their aspirations on their children. They should never pressurize their children to choose their careers as it adversely affects development of their basic capabilities, natural talents and skills. It has been generally observed that parents are ruining the childhood of their kids by trying to live their personal complexes through their children. To achieve this, they pressurize them which may sometimes lead to attempts of suicide as depicted in the film “3 idiots” which truly happens in our society.

Parents want their children to be at the top of their classes, get admitted in the best collages and follow traditional career options like engineering, medicine, management and the like. Parents rarely encourage their children to discover their true passions and pursue Mastery than Mediocrity.

The movie`s middle class Qureshis` ,who want their son to be an engineer and poor Rastogis` who see education as a way out of poverty are typical mindsets of parents in our society.

“I think its time for parents to realize and keep it at the front of their minds that the career choice is what is best for their child and not what is best for them”

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Human Rights and Islam

بِسْمِ اللّهِ الرَّحْمَنِ الرَّحِيمِ

وَلاَ تَلْبِسُواْ الْحَقَّ بِالْبَاطِلِ وَتَكْتُمُواْ الْحَقَّ وَأَنتُمْ تَعْلَمُونَ

Islam is the religion of peace, tolerance, equality and treats human being with high dignity and honor. In Quran we read Allah address human being as “O People”, “O you men”,”O children of Adam” or sometime address as “O people! Be care full of your duty to your lord, who created you from a single being and created its mate of the same kind and spread from these two, many men and women,” {2}

يَا أَيُّهَا النَّاسُ اتَّقُواْ رَبَّكُمُ الَّذِي خَلَقَكُم مِّن نَّفْسٍ وَاحِدَةٍ وَخَلَقَ مِنْهَا زَوْجَهَا وَبَثَّ مِنْهُمَا رِجَالاً كَثِيرًا وَنِسَاء وَاتَّقُواْ اللّهَ الَّذِي تَسَاءلُونَ بِهِ وَالأَرْحَامَ إِنَّ اللّهَ كَانَ عَلَيْكُمْ رَقِيبًا

Islam teaches us to treat mankind as gift of Allah and Human beings as descendents of Allah, Islam recognizes only one quality of human beings that is to be careful of their duties to their lord. Islam not only respects the life of a human being but life of an animal and bird is also precious and killing of an animal as a game, joy or entertainment has been forbidden by Islam, and has mentioned place of such person in hell. About killing a believer has said

وَمَن يَقْتُلْ مُؤْمِنًا مُّتَعَمِّدًا فَجَزَآؤُهُ جَهَنَّمُ خَالِدًا فِيهَا وَغَضِبَ اللّهُ عَلَيْهِ وَلَعَنَهُ وَأَعَدَّ لَهُ عَذَابًا عَظِيمًا

And whoever kills a believer intestinally, his punishment is hell; he shall abide in it, and Allah will sent his wrath on him and curse him and prepares for him a painful chastisement.”

Islam has not only mentioned punishment of a killer for the day of resurrection only but for this world also:

وَلاَ تَقْتُلُواْ النَّفْسَ الَّتِي حَرَّمَ اللّهُ إِلاَّ بِالحَقِّ وَمَن قُتِلَ مَظْلُومًا فَقَدْ جَعَلْنَا لِوَلِيِّهِ سُلْطَانًا فَلاَ يُسْرِف فِّي الْقَتْلِ إِنَّهُ كَانَ مَنْصُورًا

“And do not kill anyone whom Allah has forbidden except for a just cause, and whoever is slain unjustly, we have indeed given to his heir authority, so let not exceed the just limits in slaying, surely he is aided.”{4}.

Islam has considered the blood of human beings very pious and respectful and killing of innocent human being is equal to kill entire human beings:

مَن قَتَلَ نَفْسًا بِغَيْرِ نَفْسٍ أَوْ فَسَادٍ فِي الأَرْضِ فَكَأَنَّمَا قَتَلَ النَّاسَ جَمِيعًا وَمَنْ أَحْيَاهَا فَكَأَنَّمَا أَحْيَا النَّاسَ جَمِيعًا

“if any one slew a person – unless it be for murder or for spreading mischief in the land – it would be as if he slew the whole people: and if any one saved a life, it would be as if h e saved the life of the whole people. Then although there came to them Our apostles with clear signs, yet, even after that, many of them continued to commit excesses in the land.”{5}

There is no discrimination between killing adults and children, the crime is same.

وَلاَ تَقْتُلُواْ أَوْلادَكُمْ خَشْيَةَ إِمْلاقٍ نَّحْنُ نَرْزُقُهُمْ وَإِيَّاكُم إنَّ قَتْلَهُمْ كَانَ خِطْءًا كَبِيرًا

“And do not kill your children for fear of poverty; we give them sustenance and yourselves [too] surely to kill them is a great wrong.” {6}

Holly prophet [PBUH] in that speech, which he delivered in his last year of life in MINA, Said:

O peoples your blood and wealth is forbidden to each other till the day of resurrection. [7].

IBN E ABAS says in the period of Holly prophet [PBUH] somebody was killed in MADINA but killer was unidentified, when this news was heard by Holly prophet [PBUH] he went on MEMBER and said:

If the people living on earth and space will participate in killing of a human being Allah will punish all of them.”[8].

Islam never differentiates between Muslims and non-Muslims in their right of living. A Muslim can’t be against a non-Muslim until he (non Muslim) will come forefront to offend Islam and Muslims. When a non-Muslim doesn’t want to hurt the sentiments of Islam and Muslims, Islam guarantees agreements with him and his protection of life, Honor, dignity, wealth, Faith and care of his belongings.

The Holly prophet [PBUH] said:

Whosoever will act against mutual agreement will never smell the perfume of heaven. [9].

And also said: whosoever will kill an AHL -E- ZEMAH [a non Muslim living with Muslims in no way wants to offend Islam and Muslims] Allah has forbidden heaven upon him forever. [10].

Human rights are key massage of Islam therefore Law of retaliation is there to secure the peaceful society:

“And we prescribed to them in it that life is for life, and eye for eye, and tooth for tooth, and [that there is] reprisal in wounds; but he who foregoes it, it shall be an expiation for him, and whoever did not judge by what Allah revealed, these are they that are the unjust.” {11}.

“And there is life for you in the law of retaliation men of understanding that you may guard yourselves.” {12}.

Here I want to conclude this topic [Islam and Human Rights], which is a very vast subject .So for as my little study, is concern Islam is only religion that has defended the rights of Human beings with top priority. Here I will never hesitate to say that as per saying of Islam anyone who violates the basic rights of human beings doesn’t have the right to proclaim as follower of Islam.

May Allah help us to practice the guidelines of Holly QURAN and follow the footprints of Holly prophet [PBUH] and his progeny [AS]

 

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Allama Iqbal on Hazrat Imam Hussain

Dr Iqbal had an abiding faith in Ahlul Bayt (the Chosen Descendants of the Holy Prophet). He was intensely moved by the tragic events of Karbala so much so that in many of his couplets he carried a universal message to the mankind for emulating Imam Husayn who sacrificed his life at the altar of Truth. His elegies on the martyrdom of Imam Husayn stand unmatched and are an eye-opener to all those who are giving a mere lip-service to Islam.

In the following couplets Dr Iqbal gives vent to his sentiments and feelings on Imam Husayn:

Jis tarah mujhko shahid-e-Karbala say piyâr hay
Haq ta’âla ko yatimon ki duâ say piyâr hay
Dr Iqbal expresses his extreme love for Imam Husayn. Just as Almighty Allah loves to listen to the invocation of the orphans, he also has the same kind of love for the martyr of Karbala.

Roney wâlâ hoon shahid-e-Karbala kay gham may mayn
Kyâ durrey maqsûd na daingay Sâqi-e-Kauthar mujhey

Dr Iqbal has a sincere and genuine faith in Imam Husayn. The hero of this episode Imam Husayn, the brave son of the bravest of the brave Ali and grandson of the Holy Prophet, took up a firm stand not to acknowledge Yazid as the Caliph of Islam. It is a fight for the preservation of the principles and tenets of Islam. Imam Husayn arrived in Karbala on the 2nd of Muharram 61 A.H. along with his small children, women, and some comrades numbering 72 only. On the l0th of Muharram he was brutally killed. This was the tragedy over which Iqbal sheds tears. He believes that mourning and wailing over him would lead to his (Iqbal’s) salvation. He also believes that Suqi-e-Kauthar Lord of Kauthar (Cistern in Paradise) Le. Imam Ali loves those, who weep for Imam Husayn. He hopes and prays that since he sheds tears out of grief for Husyan, Imam Ali would give him all the help he needs.

Gharib-o-sâda- o-rangi’n hay dâstân-e-Haram
Nihâyat iski Husayn ibtida hay Ismâil

Dr Iqbal says that the event of the construction of Kaba is very simple and interesting. Prophet Ismail suffered great pains in its construction. The Holy Prophet purged it from the idols that were in it, and so raised its glory. The first stone was laid by Ismail indeed. He offered for sacrifice his own life but the sacrifice was not completed as he was replaced by a ram and according to the Holy Qur’an the great sacrifice or Zibh-e ‘Azim was to come later and completed by one of his descendants, Husayn. So in fact culmination of the spirit of love for Allah was manifest when Imam Husayn sacrificed his life and preserved the dignity of the Holy Kaba.

Haqiqat-e-abadi hay maqâm-e-Shabbiri
Badaltay rahay hain andâze Kufio-Shâmi

Dr Iqbal here compares two things Shabbiri or Husayniyat, i-e. principles enunciated and adhered to by Imam Husayn, and Yazidiyat, i.e. worldly power and authority. Husayn was the symbol of devotion to and love for Allah, i.e. submission to none except Allah.

The spirit as shown by the rulers of Kufa and Syria, is always changing since it tries to gain strength through fraud, dishonesty, and political expediency and maneuvering as against this truth never changes. So .the place Imam Husayn has achieved, is a reality which shall be hailed and acknowledged for all times to come.

Qâfilây Hijaz may ek Husayn bhi nahin
Garche hai tâbdâr abhi wâdi ey Dajlao Furât

Dr Iqbal was distressed to note that Iraq was under the yoke of the British. He was disappointed that the Muslims had lost courage and were suffering humiliation. The land of Tigres and Eupharates called some staunch devotee of Islam who could relieve them of their serfdom. Iqbal only wished a man, a follower of Imam Husayn might come up to help the Muslims of Iraq!

Sidq-e-Khalil Bhi hay ishqe sabr-e-Husayn bhi hay ishq
Mârika-e-wujud maiyn Badr-o-Hunayn bhi hay ishq

Dr Iqbal says that love of Allah manifests itself in many ways. Prophet Ibrahim had to suffer many difficulties in the cause of Allah. He accepted being thrown into the fire, and the fire was turned into a blooming garden.

It showed his intense love for Allah. Our Holy Prophet conquered the Battles of Badr and Hunayn through his ardent love for Allah. Similarly Imam Husayn showed his patience in the battlefield of Karbala where he, with his family and comrades, not only suffered the pangs of three days’ thirst, but willingly sacrificed his life for the cause of Truth and love for Allah. Love for Allah is a quality, a force, an impetus, which creates in us extraordinary patience and forbearance.

Ek faqr hay Shabbiri es faqr mayn hay meri
Mirâs- e-Musalmâni, samâya-i-Shabbiri

Dr Iqbal says that the life of a dervish is a very noble way of living but it is different from the life of a mendicant or friar who lives on begging or in seclusion. We should learn from Imam Husayn who while passing the life of a dervish had no other consideration except love of Allah and submission to His will. Our treading the path practised by Imam Husayn will bestow on us the title of Chief among the people. A Muslim has inherited this wealth from Imam Husayn, and we should make the best use of it. Imam Husayn has given us the lesson of self-sacrifice, patience, and forebearance and submission to none except Allah.

Ân Imam-e-âshiqân pooray Batool
Sarvay âzâdi ze bustân-e-Rasul

Now Dr Iqbal opens his praises for the son of lady Fatima. He was the chief of the lovers of Allah, and an evergreen tree from the garden of the Prophet. Imam Husayn who stood against the forces of evil, refused to acknowledge Yazid as theCaliph of Islam, and upholding the dignity of Islamic principles sacrificed his life along with a small band of 72 of his followers, at the battlefield of Karbala.

Allah Allah Bâey Bismillah pidar
Ma’niye zibh-e-azim âmad pisar

In a state of supreme bliss Dr Iqbal says, “O’ Allah, what an exalted position Imam Husayn possessed, as his illustrious father (Imam Ali) was the first letter of the Qur’an! A tradition says that Imam Ali said, “What is in the Holy Qur’an is in the first chapter (Surah Fatiha); what is in this surah (chapter) is in the first verse (Bismillah); what is in Bismillah is in its first letter (Ba) and I am the dot below ba. Doubtless Imam Ali was acknowledged to be the best expounder of the Holy Qur’an. The Holy Prophet had himself declared: “Ali is with Qur’an, and Qur’an is with Ali”. Imam Husayn was the son of such an eminent personality. It is Imam Husayn’s Martyrdom which is referred to as Zibhe Azim the greatest sacrifice in the Holy Qur’an. Imam Husayn was the direct descendant of Prophet Ismail and had offered himself for sacrifice at Karbala to save Islamic principles from annihilation. The Holy Qur’an says that Zibhe Azim, the great sacrifice of Prophet Ismail was left over for the coming generation. Dr Iqbal alludes to this and says that Zibhe Azim in the Holy Qur’an means the sacrifice of Imam Husayn.

Bahray ân shahzâdaey Khayrul milal
Dosh-e-Khatmul mursalin ne’mul Jamal

Dr Iqbal here alludes to an event stated by Tirmizi and others. Once Imam Husayn mounted the shoulders of his grandfather, the Holy Prophet. Somebody said, “What a good carriage it is!” The Prophet said, “And what a good rider it is!” Dr Iqbal mentions this event to show what affectionate feelings the Holy Prophet had towards his grandson.

Surkh roo ishq-e-ghayoor az Khoon-e-oo
Surkhiye in misra az mazmoon-e-oo

Dr Iqbal says that it is because of Imam Husayn’s blood that the modest love has gained honor and dignity. This couplet can well serve a title for the episode of the Tragedy of Karbala which shows how piously and valiantly Imam Husayn defended the tenets of Islam, sacrificed his own life along with his kith and kin, sincere followers, and comrades, and raised the honor of love to its acme.

Darmiyân-e-Ummat ân Keywân janâb,
Hamchu harf-e-Qul Huwallah dar Kitâb

Dr Iqbal shows here the position of Imam Husayn. He says that among the followers of the Holy Prophet Imam Husayn is like the Divine phrase QuI huwallah (Say He is Allah) meaning that Allah is One, in the Holy Qur’an. Since the entire Holy Qur’an turns to this verse -QuI Huwallaho Ahad (Say that He is One) similarly the whole Islamic world turns towards Imam Husayn who is the source of our guidance. Dr Iqbal knows the tradition of our Prophet: “Husayn is from me and I am from Husayn” i.e. Husayn is his grandson and that he (the Prophet) would be made known by him, and his mission would be fulfilled by Imam Husayn who sacrificed his life to immortalize Islam and its tenets.

Musa o Firaun-o-Shabbir or Yazid
In do quwwât az Hayât âmad padid.

Ever since the creation of life two opposing forces have been at war with each other- virtue and vice, Right and wrong. Musa (Moses) rose against Firaun (Pharoah) and Shabbir (Imam Husayn) rose against Yazid. These struggles were between the Right and the wrong. Consequently the Right prevailed upon the wrong and it was proved that Right is might.

Zindah haq az quwwat-e-Shabbiri ast
Bâtil âkhir dâgh-e-hasrat miri ast

Dr Iqbal says that Truth or Islam exists today because of the strength shown and the spiritual power exercised by Imam Husayn. In other words Imam Husayn made Islam immortal. The wrong was crushed to annihilation in spite of its apparent success. Yazidism or the principle enunciated by Yazid is looked down upon by all, but Husayn’s blood spilled at Karbala still enlivens our hearts and makes us feel that his sacrifice to support the Right against the wrong was unparalleled in the history of mankind.

Choon Khitlâfat rishtah az Qur’an gusikht
Hurriyat ra Zahr under Kâm rikht
Khâst ân sar Jatwaey Khairut Umam
Choon Sahabe Qibtah Bârân dar qadam
Bar zamin-e-Karbala Bârid o raft
Lalah dar wirânaha Kârid o raft
Tâ qayâmat qat’ay istibdâd kard
Mauje Khoone oo chaman ijâd kard

Dr Iqbal says that when the Islamic Government severed its relation with the injunctions of the Holy Qur’an the Muslims suffered moral degradation. It marred their freedom. When the rulers indulged in all sorts of vicious habits and satisfied their carnal desires against the clear-cut injunctions of the Holy Qur’an the whole social structure was impaired. Nobody could utter a word against the tyrant ruler and his associates. Then arose that chief of the Muslims (Husayn) like blessed cloud with rain of mercy under his foot. It rained blessings on the sands of Karbala and turned that desert into a garden. It is the place where Imam Husayn with his kith and kin, children and comrades, numbering 72 only, faced a huge army and courted martyrdom after three days starvation and thirst on the l0th of Muharram 61 A.H. Husayn was undoubtedly the savior of freedom and Karbala has become the symbol of struggle against tyranny.

Husayn’s role at Karbala was So magnificent that it eradicated for ever the savage idea of cruelty and cold-bloodedness. The wave of his blood has created a garden which is symbolic of his sacrifice for the preservation of freedom and Truth.

Bahre haq dar Khâk-o-khoon ghaltida ast
Pas binâ ey lâ illah gardida ast

Dr Iqbal says that Imam Husayn voluntarily gave his life at Karbala for the sake of Allah or Truth. So it goes without saying that Husayn laid the foundation of the cardinal Principle of Islam -the belief that there is no god except Allah. Since Islamic principles were being twisted, distorted and exterminated it was Husayn’s blood which gave it a new life.

Mudda â yash saltanat boody agar
Khud na hardy bâ chunin sâmmâne safar

That Imam Husayn’s only aim in refusing to accept Yazid as Caliph of Islam was to preserve Islam, can be borne out from the fact that while he left Madina for his journey towards Kufa he had a small band of his relations and followers, including women, and children. Had he the intention of fighting a political battle he would not have gone there with such people as he took with him. Those Who accompanied Imam Husayn included his sisters, wives, children ( even a six month old child was with him) and some followers, some of whom were more than eighty years of age.

Dushmanân chun rig-e-sahra la tu’ad
Dostân-e-oo bâ yazdân ham ‘adad

In the Battle of Karbala the number of the enemy was as countless as the particles of sand, but the number of Imam Husayn’s friends was only 72.
Tigh-e-lâ choon az miyan buroon kashid

Az rag-e-arbâbe bâtil khoon kashid
Naqsh-e-Illallâ h bar Sahra nawisht
Satre-unwân-e- najat-e mâ nawisht
Ramz-e-Qur’an az Husayn âmokhteem
Za Âtishe-oo Shoalahâ andokhteem

Imam Husayn took up his sword of ‘La’ or ‘No’ that is, there is no deity (except Allah) and crushed infidelity. He imprinted the mark of Illallah (Tawhid), or monotheism in the wilderness of Karbala. It was a title for our salvation. In fact we have learnt the lesson of Tawhid or monotheism from Imam Husayn, who taught us in a practical way the secret of Qur’an by sacrificing his life for the sake of Allah and for completing the mission of his grandfather, the Prophet. We have gathered warmth from the fire of love for Allah that Imam Husayn possessed. Dr Iqbal means that the love for Allah shown and the sacrifice made by Imam Husayn at Karbala should serve as the best lesson for all the people of the world.

Shawkat-e-Shâ m-o farray Baghdad raft,
Satwat-e-Ghamata ham az yâd raft
Târ-e-mâ az zakhma ash larzân hanooz,
Tazâh az takbir-e-oo Imân hanooz

Dr Iqbal says that kingly grandeur gained through political battles never survives. The pomp and vanity of the thrones of Syria and Baghdad which were once seats of great kings is no more present. Nobody remembers the splendor of Gharnata i which was the seat of Spanish Kings. But the reverential call of Husayn at Karbala -his call of La Illâhâ Illâllâh is still echoing in our ears and thrilling our hearts.
Ay sabâ ay payk-e-dûr uftâdagân,
Ashk-e-mâ bar khâk-e-pâk-e-oo rasân

Iqbal’s intense love for and faith in Imam Husayn is apparent from this couplet. Fondly addressing himself to the breeze, which proverbially carries the message of the lover to the beloved, who is at a remote place. Iqbal asks her to carry his tears to the sacred tomb of Imam Husayn. Dr Iqbal weeps in sad and blessed memory of Imam Husayn and wishes to place his tears over his Imam’s grave.

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do u knw

Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) is one of the preeminent writers of the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Indeed, the attention he has received from numerous writers, translators, and critics from Western as well as Islamic countries testifies to his stature as a world literary figure. While his primary reputation is that of a poet, Iqbal has not lacked admirers for his philosophical thought. He has in fact been called “the most serious Muslim philosophical thinker of modem times.” The frequently used appellation of “poet-philosopher” is thus well deserved. The hyphen in the phrase is all-important: Iqbal’s poetry and philosophy do not exist in isolation from each other; they are integrally related, his poetry serving as a vehicle for his thought. Iqbal wrote poetry in Urdu and Persian, and several collections in each language exist. In the following page a life-sketch of Iqbal is followed by a brief treatment of some of the major themes and literary features of his poetry.

Iqbal was born in Sialkot, in the present-day province of the Punjab in Pakistan, in 1877. He received his early education in that city, where one of his teachers was Mir Hasan, an accomplished scholar who commanded a knowledge of several Islamic languages. Mir Hasan gave Iqbal a thorough training in the rich Islamic literary tradition. His influence on Iqbal was formative. Many years later (1922), when the English governor of the Punjab proposed to the British Crown that Iqbal be knighted in acknowledgment of his literary accomplishments, Iqbal asked that Mir Hasan also be awarded a title. To the governor’s remark that Mir Hasan had not authored any books, Iqbal responded that he, Iqbal, was the book Mir Hasan had produced. Mir Hasan received the title of Shams al-’Ulama’ (“Sun of Scholars”).
For higher education Iqbal went to Lahore (1895), where he enrolled in Government College, getting, in 1899, an MA in philosophy; he had already obtained a degree in law (1898). In Lahore, a major center of academic and literary activity, Iqbal soon made a name for himself as a poet. One of the teachers of Government College Iqbal admired most was Sir Thomas Arnold. Arnold, too, had great affection for Iqbal, he helped Iqbal in his career as a teacher and also encouraged him to undertake several research projects. When Arnold returned to England in 1904, Iqbal wrote a touching poem in which he expressed his resolve to follow Arnold to England. The very next year, in fact, Iqbal left for study at Cambridge. His choice of Cambridge was probably dictated by the fact that Cambridge was reputed for the study not only of European philosophy but also of Arabic and Persian. In his three years of stay abroad, Iqbal obtained a BA from Cambridge (1906), qualified as a barrister at London’s Middle Temple (1906), and earned a PhD from Munich University (1908).
After returning to Lahore in 1908, Iqbal taught philosophy at Government College for a few years. In 1911 he resigned from government service and set up legal practice. Meanwhile he continued to write poetry in Urdu and Persian, Asrar-i Khudi (Persian) was published in 1915. Translated into English as The Secrets of the Self (1920) by Professor Reynold Nicholson of Cambridge, the book introduced Iqbal to the West. Asrar-i Khudi was followed by several other volumes: Rumuz-i Bikhudi (1918), Payam-i Mashriq (1923), Bang-i Dara (1924), Zabur-i ‘Ajam (1927), Javid Namah (1932), Musafir (1936), Zarb-i Kalim (1937), and Armaghan-i Hijaz (1938, posthumously). Iqbal wrote prose also. His doctoral thesis, The Development of Metaphysics in Persia, was published in 1908, and his Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (with a 7th chapter added to the original set of six lectures, first published in 1930), in 1934. Many of Iqbal’s poetical works have been rendered into foreign languages, including English, German, Italian, Russian, Czechoslovakian, Arabic, and Turkish. His works have also spawned a vast amount of critical literature in many languages.
Although his main interests were scholarly, Iqbal was not unconcerned with the political situation of the, country and the political fortunes of the Muslim community of India. Already in 1908, while in England, he had been chosen as a member of the executive council of the newly established British branch of the Indian Muslim League. In 1931 and 1932 he represented the Muslims of India in the Round Table Conferences held in England to discuss the issue of the political future of India. And in a 1930 lecture Iqbal suggested the creation of a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. Iqbal died (1938) before the creation of Pakistan (1947), but it was his teaching that “spiritually … has been the chief force behind the creation of Pakistan.” He is the national poet of Pakistan.

A detailed discussion of the thematic and literary features of Iqbal’s poetry is not be undertaken here. A few general points may, however, be made.
A reader of Iqbal’s poetry is struck by its sheer thematic variety. Iqbal was deeply interested in the issues that have exercised the best minds of the human race—the issues of the meaning of life, change and constancy, freedom and determinism, survival and progress, the relation between the body and the soul, the conflict between reason and emotion, evil and suffering, the position and role of human beings in the universe—and in his poetry he deals with these and other issues. He had also read widely in history, philosophy, literature, mysticism, and politics, and, again, his catholic interests are reflected in his poetry.
Iqbal celebrates humanity, in more than one sense. On one level he shows broad acceptance for humanity. In “The Story of Adam”, the protagonist, Adam, plays a variety of roles-those of prophet, thinker, reformer, scientist, inventor, astronomer, martyr, and iconoclast. Adam in this poem is not simply a religious figure belonging to a certain tradition, but represents the whole of humankind. On another level, Iqbal takes pride in being human and has no desire to partake of the godhead of God. To be God is to have concerns and worries that would give one a headache, but to be human is to have that sweet pain called heartache. Humans can hold their heads high in view of their achievements in the world to which they were banished from paradise: if God has made the night, then humans have made the lamp, and if God has made deserts and mountains, then humans have made parks and meadows (“A Dialogue Between God and Man,”). Humans must, therefore, strive to be perfect qua humans, and that is a goal yet to be achieved.
The theme of humanity is closely linked in Iqbal with that of khudi (literally, “selfhood”). Khudi is a complex thought in Iqbal. Broadly speaking, it represents the principle of the inner self with an urge to manifest itself Societies as well as individuals have khudi, and it is on the development or suppression of one’s or failure in the world depends, khudi that one’s success   the khudi of slaves, for example, is moribund.
Recognition, discovery, cultivation, and assertion of their khudi should, therefore, be the aim of humans. Iqbal’s critique of Muslim societies is predicated on the assumption that these societies have lost their khudi or have allowed it to become seriously impaired. The best way to understand Iqbal’s concept of khudi is by reading poems in which he discusses the subject.
Perfection, or rather limitless perfection, is a frequently occurring motif in Iqbal’s poetry. “I seek the end of that which has no end,” says Iqbal in “The Houri and the Poet”, and, in the same poem: “From the spark I seek a star, from the star a sun.” Iqbal sees no end to human potentialities. He wishes humans to embark on a never-ending journey of discovery, and to this end emphasizes the importance of action. Constant action and perpetual movement are in fact the only guarantee of survival in the world. Nations fall behind when they cease to be dynamic and start preferring a life of idle speculation over one of purposive action.
But the quest for perfection can give rise to irony. Irony, in fact, fills human life, for while they have been imbued with the desire to achieve perfection, humans have been denied the ability to achieve it in practice. The poems “Man”, “Solitude”, and “The Dew and the Stars” discuss several aspects of the irony of human life. The poem, “The Story of Adam,” though it ends on a more optimistic note, yet implies that it takes humans a long time to discover the most important secret of existence.
“The heart has its reasons, of which reason is ignorant,” says Pascal. Iqbal, who frequently speaks of the conflict of the head and the heart, would agree, though he would add that while the conflict exists, it does not have to. More often than not it is reason (or the intellect) that belittles the heart (or intuition), but both are essential to a harmonious life; ideally, then, reason and the heart should cooperate rather than clash.
Although he has wide-ranging interests, Iqbal essentially belongs to, and speaks from within, the Islamic tradition, employing, for his purposes, the historical, religious, philosophical, and literary resources of that tradition. A full appreciation of Iqbal requires an understanding of these resources, and the notes and commentaries in this volume elucidate Iqbal’s use of them.
Iqbal held to the doctrine of art for life’s sake. Acutely aware of the problems of Muslim decadence and backwardness, Iqbal takes it upon himself to shake the Muslims of India and other countries out of their lethargy, urging them to take the path of progress, so that they can gain an honorable position in the polity of nations, He uses the medium of poetry to arouse socio-religious consciousness among Muslims. As a result, Islamic religious and social themes predominate in his poetry. But Iqbal’s vision of a revived religion is far from conservative. He is sharply critical of many of the institutions of historic Islam (of the institution of monarchy, for example), and his vision of a new world derives from the Islamic notions of egalitarianism and social justice. He rejects dogmatism in religion, advocates rethinking of the Islamic intellectual heritage, and stands for the establishment of a forward-looking community. But the conviction of art for life’s sake never allows Iqbal’s poetry to degenerate into bland or crass propaganda. The worldwide acclamation he has won is proof that Iqbal’s strength consists in writing purpose poetry of the highest artistic standards.
Ultimately, however, the secret of the appeal of Iqbal’s poetry lies in the personality behind that poetry. Whether he is dealing with a broadly humanistic or a specifically Islamic theme, Iqbal views it from a unique perspective. Consider his boldly critical attitude toward certain aspects of the received tradition, an attitude reflected, for example, in the poems referred above. Unlike almost any other poet in the Islamic tradition, Iqbal enters into a dialogue with God, raising issues the orthodox would consider disturbing. He asks whether Adam’s expulsion from heaven has turned out to be Adam’s loss or God’s own; he challenges God to speak to him face to face rather than through messengers, and, noting the discrepancy between the boundlessness of human ambition and the limitedness of the resources put at humans’ disposal, he asks God whether His experiment involving Adam is to be taken seriously. Iqbal’s view of the role of Satan in the world is also highly intriguing and, as one would expect, highly unconventional (see “Conquest of Nature” and “Gabriel and Iblis”).
A notable thing about Iqbal’s perspective is ambiguity, a typical modem quality. Especially when he is talking about metaphysical issues, Iqbal raises some difficult questions, without providing a single “valid” answer. In “Paradise Lost and Regained” the question whether Adam should have sinned or not (each scenario being theoretically defensible) is not answered by Iqbal. In “Gabriel and Iblis” we are left to wonder about Iqbal’s own view of Iblis’ self-justification. And in “Solitude” we cannot be certain why God smiles.
In several places Iqbal talks about himself about his Eastern background and Western education, and the contradictions of his own personality; his conviction that his study of historic Islam had furnished him with certain valuable insights which he must share with his people; his hope that his message will spread across the Muslim world, and his apprehension that he will be misunderstood or appreciated for the wrong reasons. Here it may be added that the various attempts made to identify (or label) Iqbal as a Sufi or an orthodox Muslim, as a radical or a reactionary are wide of the mark because Iqbal is too large a figure to fit any narrow, procrustean category; he demands and deserves attention on his own terms.

Iqbal had a fine sense of the dramatic, and in his poetry he frequently employs dramatic techniques. Many of his poems are structured like a play, with the first half of the poem building a tension or conflict that is resolved, or raising a question that is answered, in the second half Examples are “Gabriel and Iblis”, “The Dew and the Stars”, “The Houri and the Poet” and “Fatimah bint ‘Abdullah”. Many poems are dialogues, with well-argued positions taken by the interlocutors (“A Dialogue Between God and Man”, “The Dew and the Stars”, “Reason and Heart” and “A Dialogue Between Knowledge and Love”; also the fables). Some poems are one-sided dialogues or monologues (“Give Me Another Adversary”, “The Falcon’s Advice to Its Youngster”). Again, Iqbal carefully weaves the “plot” of a poem, arousing the reader’s curiosity, dropping seemingly casual hints that turn out to be prophetic, providing flashback, and saving his masterstroke for the end. Two excellent examples are “The Night and the Poet” and “The Houri and the Poet”.
Iqbal has some favorite images and motifs. The eagle is Iqbal’s favorite bird, and the tulip his favorite flower. We will here say a few words about the tulip. The tulip is a pretty flower, but, when it grows in the desert (Lala’-i sahra’), it combines strength with beauty, for it then represents the assertion of one’s self (khudi) in the face of hostile circumstances. The tulip owes its splendor not to an outside source but to the “scar” inside its heart, its glow being indigenous to it, as befits a flower with a khudi of its own. The tulip is thus a “model” for individuals and nations to follow. In one of his quatrains (“Freedom and Determinism and Philosophy of History”), speaking of the difficult circumstances that alone give birth to new nations, Iqbal says: “From mountains and deserts do nations arise.” Although Iqbal does not mention the tulip in this quatrain, it would not be far-fetched to suggest that, conceptually, Iqbal here has the desert tulip in mind. The cup-shaped flower suggests to Iqbal’s mind several analogies, and in one piece (“Locke, Kant, and Bergson,”) Iqbal, makes consistent use of the tulip image to describe and analyze complex philosophical ideas. It is in view of the deep significance of the flower in Iqbal’s poetry that I have chosen Tulip in the Desert as the title of my volume of translations (Mustansir Mir, Tulip in the Desert, Hurst and Company, London, 2000). The images of the eagle and the tulip illustrate how Iqbal adds to the native literary tradition or makes an innovative use of that tradition (the tulip). Another example in this connection is that of the moth. In Persian and Urdu poetry the moth represents the devoted and self-immolating lover. Like the moth, which keeps circling the light, the lover (a male) desires to stay close to the beloved (a female). But in Iqbal, typically, the moth often represent a reprehensible rather than a praiseworthy quality: the shining light it is in love with is not its own. The moth is to be contrasted with another, the firefly, which, though it has a weak light, can at least call this light its own. The firefly, in other words, is possessed of khudi, but the moth has no khudi. Iqbal often uses a series of images to convey a thought, producing a cumulative effect. In “Fatimah bint -Abdullah,” for example, he uses no fewer than four images to express the idea that, even in its present age of decadence, the Muslim Community can produce individuals of exceptional caliber:

O that our autumn-stricken garden had

A flower-bud like this!
O that in our ashes would be found, O Lord,
A spark like this!
In our desert is hidden many a deer still.
In the spent clouds lies dormant still
Many a flash of lightning.

Iqbal is capable of writing biting satire. Two examples are: “Give Me Another Adversary”, in which Satan argues that he deserves a better rival than Adam, and “Scorpion Land,” which criticizes slave mentality.

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Misconceptions about Nahj al Balaghah

No scholar of Sunni or Shi’a profession has questioned the genuineness and authenticity of Nahj al-balagha for more than two centuries. The first person to raise doubts about its attribution to Amir al-Mu’minin was Ibn Khallikan (d. 681/1282), who, without referring to any author or source,made the following remarks about the authorship of Nahj al-balaghah:

People have different opinions about the compiler of Nahj al- balaghah, a collection of the utterances of al-’Imam ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (as) There is difference as to whether it was compiled by al-Sharif al-Murtada or his brother al-Radi. It is also said that it is not at all the composition of ‘Ali (as) and that the one who compiled it and attributed it to him made it himself; but Allah knows the truth.

These remarks were made in Wafayat al-aya’n in connection with the account of the life and work of al-Sharif al-Murtada, al-Radi’s elder brother. Ibn al-’Athir al Jazari (555-630/1160-1232) in Mukhtasar al-Wafayat, Salah al-Din al-Safadi (d. 764/1362) in al-Wafi bi al-wafayat, al-’Allamah al-Yafi’i(d. 768/1366) in Mir’at al Jinan, and Ibn al-’Imad in Shadharat al-dhahab were content just to repeat Ibn Khallikan’s conjecture without bothering to substantiate it. Al-’Allamah al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1347) in Mizan ul-’i'tidal was the first person to pick up the audacity to raise the unfounded doubt to a degree of certainty a century after Ibn Khallikan.

He wrote in his account of al-Murtada:

Al Sharif al-Murtada, who is accused of fabricating Nahj al- balaghah, was a scholar of considerable knowledge. Whosoever sees his book Nahj al-balaghah would come to believe that it was falsely attributed to Amir al-Mu’minin (as), because it contains open abuse rather than downgrading of the two caliphs Abu Bakr and ‘Umar. Contradictions and mean matters have also crept into it, which do not conform with the spirit of the Companions of the Quraysh and our knowledge of the later Companions. One is convinced that the major part of this book is forged and unauthentic.

Ibn Hajar al-’Asqalani (d. 748/1347) repeated al-Dhahabi’s objections without bothering to probe deeper into the matter.

The most interesting and at the same time the weakest part of the objections concerns ascription of the authorship of Nahj al-balaghah to al-Murtada.

The objectors belonged to the Umayyad West and had deep prejudices against Shiii scholars, and perhaps under the impact of Umayyad propaganda their prejudice was so deep-rooted that even their scholarship could not rise above it.

Among the four contemporaries of al-Radi and al-Murtada, three, that is, al-Tha’alibi, al-Najashi (d. 450/1058), and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (d. 463/1071) have given accounts of both the brothers.

Al Shaykh al-Tusi did not give any account of al-Radi in al-Fihrist or al-Rijal, but he did not count Nahj al-balagha among the works of al-Murtada, which dispel any conjecture attributing its authorship to him, because al-Tusi was very close to him as his student. Al-Tha’alibi and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi did not mention Nahj al-balaghah either in the account of al-Murtada or that of al-Radi.Al-Najashi in unambiguous terms attributed Nahj al-balagha to al-Radi.

Al-Tusi’s exclusion of Nahj al-balaghah from the works of al-Murtada,and al-Najashi’s mention of it among the works of al-Radi are sufficient to prove that it was without any doubt a work of al-Radi.

The objectors, who could not even determine authorship of the book exactly, depended on nothing but their whim to raise doubts about its authenticity.

A more convincing proof of al-Radi’s authorship of Nahj al-balaghah can be found in his own other works in which he has mentioned it. Those books are the following:

1. Khasa’is al- ‘A’immah: A manuscript of this work of al-Radi is in Rida Library Rampur (India) which reveals that Fadl Allah ibn ‘Ali al- Husayn al-Rawandi (d. 555/1160) accepted Khasa’is as al-Radi’s work. In this book, as quoted above, al-Radi has mentioned his intention of compiling Nahj al-balaghah.

2. Haqa’iq al-tanzil: Only the fifth part of this book is accessible to us. Its authorship is unanimously attributed to al-Radi. On page 167 of this book al-Radi makes this remark:

Anybody who needs a proof of our claim should refer to our book Nahj al-balaghah and think upon its contents. We have compiled all forms and genres of the utteranees of Amir al-Mu’minin (as) in this book, which comprises sermons, letters, aphorisms, and admonitions, and is divided into three independent parts, each containing a specific genre.

3. Majazat al-’athar al-Nabawiyyah: Al-Najashi and others have included this book among al-Radi’s works. At two places in this book al-Radi has referred to Nah; al-balagha as a work of his own compilation.

It is important to note that even Ibn Khallikan, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar did not question the authenticity of the attribution of Nahj al-balaghah in its entirety to’Ali (as). They were mainly skeptical of those parts which were critical of the Caliphs Abu Bakr and ‘Umar.

But if we find such utterances and writings of Amir al-Mu’minin (as) in both Shi’i and non-Shi’i sources earlier than Nahjal-balaghah,baseless-ness of al-Dhahabi’s and Ibn Hajar’s objections can be conclusively proved.

Let us again refer to Istinad-e Nahj al-balagha by ‘Arshi, a contemporary Sunni scholar of India. With respect to the harshest of the sermons concerning the issue of the caliphate, known as al-Khutbat aldhiqshiqiyyah, ‘Arshi refers to the following early sources in which the sermon had occurred:

1. Abu Ja’far Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Khalid al-Barqi (d.274/887) has quoted it in full in al-Mahasin wa al-’adab.

2. Ibrahim ibn Muhammad al-Thaqafi al-Kufi (d. 283/896) quoted it in al-Gharat.

In his notes on al-Gharat, Sayyid Jalal al-Din Muhaddith,quoting Imtiyaz ‘Ali Khan ‘Arshi, says that this khutbah is not found in it; even Ibn Abi al-Hadid and al-’Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (1037-1110 or 1111/1627-1698 or 99) did not refer to al-Gharat as an early source of this sermon.

3. Abu ‘Ali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab al Jubba’i al-Basri al-Mu’tazili(d. 303/915 -16) narrated it.

4. Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Qubbah al-Razi (a teacherof al- Mufid and a pupil of Abu al-Qasim al-Balkhi, a Mu’tazili in his youth) quoted it in al-Insaf.

5. Abu al Qasim ‘Abd Allah ibn Ahmad ibn Mahmud al-Ka’bi al-Balkhi al-Mu’tazili (d. 319/931) in al-’Insaf.

6. Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn ibn Musa ibn Babawayh al-Qummi, known as alShaykh al-Saduq (d. 318/930), has quoted it in two of his books: Ilal al Sharayi’ and Ma’ani al-’akhbar.

7. Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad ibn al-Nu’man, known as al-Shaykh al-Mufid(d. 413/ 1022) inKitdb al-’irshad.

8. Shaykh al-Ta’ifah Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi (d. 460/1068) in al-’Amali.

‘Arshi adds that al Shaykh al Saduq has narrated this Khutbah on the authority of two different chains of narrators:

Narrated to us Muhammad ibn ‘Ali Majalawayh from his uncle Muhammad Ibn al-Qasim, he from Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Barqi he from his father, he from Ibn Abi ‘Umayr, he from Aban ibn ‘Uthman he from ‘Aban ibn Taghlib, he from ‘Ikrimah, he from ‘Abd Allah ibn al-’Abbas. (‘Ilal al-sharayi’ and Ma’anial-’ akhbar)

Narrated to us Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Ishaq al-Taliqani, from ‘Abd al-’Aziz ibn Yahya al Jalludi, from Abu ‘Abd Allah Ahmad ibn ‘Ammar ibn Khalid, from Yahya ibn ‘Abd al-Hamid al- Hammani, from ‘Isa ibn Rashid, from ‘Ali ibn Khuzaymah, from ‘Ikrimah, from Ibn al-’Abbas. (Ma’ani al ‘akhbar)

Al-Sayyid al-Radi has not quoted the entire chain of narrators, and was content to remark that the sermon was popularly known as ‘al-Shiqshiqiyyah ‘, while his teacher al-Mufid narrates both the chain of narrators and the story behind its narration. This is indicative of the fact that this sermon was so famous in those days that al-Radi did not find it necessary to prove its veracity by quoting the chain of its narrators. Surprisingly, the same famous sermon was used by his and ‘Ali’s opponents to question his veracity and to malign him by accusing him and/or his brother of forging it. The kind of criticism Ibn Khallikan and his followers dabbled in not only discredits them as researchers but also makes their other works suspicious in the eyes of impartial and objective students of history.

Those who could not find any of the above-mentioned books to cross-check the veracity of Nahj al-balaghah had failed miserably even in determining correctly its authorship.

Al-Shaykh al-Mufid has collected a number of ‘Ali’s speeches in al-’Irshad concerning the issue of the succession to the Prophet (saw) and ‘Ali’s criticism of the ways and means adopted by his opponents to deprive him of the caliphate. The famous Khutbah known as al-Shiq-shiqiyyah begins with the following preface:

(A group of traditionists report by a variety of chains of authority (turuq) on the authority of Ibn al-’Abbas, who said:)

I [i.e. Ibn al-'Abbas, was with the Commander of the Faithful at al-Rahabah I mentioned the [matter of] Caliphate and those who had preeeded him. He breathed heavily and said: “By God, Ibn Abi Quhatah took on….”

This khutbah ends with the following words:

Then you would have found that your world is more insignificant in my eyes than a goat’s snot.

At this point ‘Ali’s speech was interrupted by a man from Kufah. Ibn al-’Abbas, after narrating the text of the speech, adds:

I have never regretted anything nor felt such distress like the distress l felt at losing the rest of the speeeh of the Commander of the Faithful, peace be on him. When he finished reading the letter, I said: “Commander of the Faithful would you continue your speech from the point which you reached?”

He answered: “In no way, in no way. It was like foam on the camel’s mouth (shiqshiqah) as it opens its mouth to bellow and then falls silent.”

Apart from al-’Irshad this khutbah, as claimed by ‘Arshi, is found in other sources also. In no way can it be dubbed as al-Radi’s or al-Murtada’s fabrication. Sayyid Hibat al-Din al-Shahristani, in Mahuwa Nahj al-balaghah, has quoted different versions of al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah from:

Nathral-durar wa nuzhat al-’adab by the vizier Abu Sa’id al-’Abi; al-’Irshad by al- Shaykh ai-Mufid; al-Mahasin wa al-’adab by al-Barqi; al-Saduq in Ila’l al-sharayi’;and a book of al-Jalludi. All the versions have minor differences, which indicate that the source from which al-Radi quoted this sermon was other than these four. After enumerating the earlier works containing this khutbah,Hibat al-Din al- Shahristani points out that Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, one of tbe compilers of al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah, was a follower of the Banu Umayyah and a staunch admirer of the third caliph ‘Uthman ibn writes:

‘Affan. Much earlier than Ibn Khallikan made his remark questioning the authenticity of the attribution of Nahj al- balaghah, certain doubts had come to circulate as indicated by Ibn Abi al-Hadid al-Mu’tazili (d. 555/1257), who referred to a discussion concerning the attribution of al-Khutbat al- Shiqshiqiyyah with his teacher Abu al-Khayr Musaddiq ibn Shabib [sic. Shayb] al-Wasiti (d. 605/1208), who said:

I read this khutbah in the presenee of Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah ibn Ahmad, known as Ibn al-Khashshab (493 -567/1099-1172)… and asked him if he considered this khutbah to be a forged one and not of ‘Ali (as). Ibn al-Khashshab said:

By God, I am convinced that it is from ‘Ali and I am as sure of it as I am convineed of your truthfulness.

Al-Wasiti said to Ibn al-Khashshab: “A group is of the view that this khutbah was fabricated by al-Radi, may God be pleased with him.” Ibn al-Khashshab said:

Is it not beyond the eloquence of al-Radi or any other? How could he speak from such a high level of spirituality in such a (forceful) style? We are well acquainted with al-Radi’s writings, his style and his technique. I have assessed both his poetry and prose, these words as compared to those of al- Radi are so different that there is no question of confusing them with his writings.”

He further said:

By God, I have read this sermon in books written two hundred years before the birth of al-Radi. Yes, of course, I have seen it written in many books. I can identify this khutbah very well and know that which of the ‘ulama’ and men of letters quoted it (in his work) mueh before al-Radi’s father was born.” (Sharh Nahj al-balaghah, vol. I)

On another occasion, in his Sharh Nahj al-balaghah, Ibn Abi al-Hadid

A group of blind followers of their own whims and wishes is of the opinion that the best part of Nahj al-balagha is fabricated and forged by a group of Shi’i writers and is something new. Most of them consider a part of it to be the product of al-Radi’s pen or of others. But this group consists of prejudiced people, whose heart’s vision is blocked by partiality and who have deviated from the right and straight path of truth; they have strayed from truth due to perversion, lack of knowledge, and unfamiliarity with literature and poetry. (vol. 1, p. 543)

At another place he writes about the words of Amir al-Mu’minin (as):

His eloquence is such that he is the leader of the eloquent and the guide and master of orators. It is said about his ulterances that his words are below the Word of the Creator only, but over and above the words of all creatures; and from him the world has learnt the art of speech and rhetoric.

There were people in the age of al-Radi himself whose hearts and eyes were sealed in such a manner that they attributed some of ‘Ali’s utterances to Mu’fiwiyah. Al-Radi’s commentary on the following khutbah,is important:

His comment, are as follows:

People with no ability to understand literature aseribe it to Mu’awiyah whereas these are undoubtedly the words of Amir al- Mu’minin. How can dirt compare with pure gold?… ‘Amr ibn Bahr al Jahiz, a critic gifted with insight and a distinct sensibility, has probed the matter minutely. He has included this khutbah in al-Bayan wa al-tabyin, and has mentioned those who attributed it to Mu’awiyah. Subsequently he says: “This speech is very much like the speeches of ‘Ali (as) and is in conformity with the great man’s classification of people, and it also corresponds with his manner of depicting the people’s modes of behaving in anger, under oppression and waywardness, and in the state of dissimulation and fear.

Similarly, al-Radi refers to his sources on a number of occasions,and also gives an account of the circumstances that were responsible for the mood and theme of a certain sermon. He has referred to: al Jahiz; al-Waqidi; Abu Ja’far al-’Iskafi; Hisham ibn al-Kalbi; Sa’id ibn Yahya ai-’Umawi, the author of al-Maghazi; Abu ‘Ubayd al- Qasim ibn Salam; al-Tabari; Tha’lab; Ibn al-’A'rabi; al-Mubarrad, and many others. How could an author who allegedly forged the utterances and writings of Amir al- Mu’minin (as) be so honest in acknowledging his indebtedness to his predecessors?

Those who raised doubts about the contents of Nahj al-balagha were unaware of the high status and prestige of its compiler, both in the society and in the academic circles. A man of his eminence could not even think of fabricating sermons and letters in the name of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as).

Had any such attempt been made by anybody, Shi’i scholars themselves would have been the first to reject it, as an anthology of poetry attributed to al-’Imam ‘Ali (as) (Diwan-e ‘Ali) was never accepted by the majority of Shi’i scholars as authentic. Some other such works, for example, the commentary on the Quran attributed to al- Imam al-Hasan al-’Askari (as) or Fiqh al-Rida attributed to al Imam al-Rida (as),are at issue among Shi’i scholars. But no one among al-Radi’s contemporaries or from the successive generations of Sunni or Shi’i ‘ulama’ ever questioned Nahj al-balaghah’s authenticity for more than two centuries.

Regarding the contents of Nahj al-balaghah the Muslim scholars of all shades of opinion never doubted al-Radi’s veracity.

They were aware of the presence of earlier sources of al-’Imam ‘Ali’s utterances. There is abundant reliable evidence in support of the existence of such collections in the first and second centuries of Hijrah, from which ‘Abd al-Hamid ibn Yahyfi, Ibn al- Muqaffa’, and Zayd ibn ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib had quoted al-’Imam ‘Ali’s sermons and letters.

In the third and fourth centuries, too, several collections of ‘Ali’s khutab and rasa’il were compiled, some of which have been already referred to above. Ibn Abi al-Hadid (d. 655 or 656/1257 or 58); Taqi al-Din Ahmad, known as Ibn Taymiyyah (661-728/1263-1328); and his pupil Salah al-Din al-Safadi (d.764/1362 -63) accepted Nahj al-balaghah as a genuine collection of al Imam ‘Ali’s words. The former not only wrote one of the most famous commentaries on it, but also repudiated all doubts about its authenticity.

Ibn Taymiyyah and al-Safadi were among staunch opponents and critics of the Shi’ah, but both of them verified the authenticity of Nahj al-balagha and the veracity of al-Sharif al-Radi. Al-Safadi, in the account of al-Radi, writes:

People are of the view that Nahj al-balaghah is his own writing. But I heard my teacher, al-’Imam al-’Allamah Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn Taymiyyah say: “Nahj al-balaghah is not al-Sayyid al-Radi’s product. What in this book is the utterance of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (as) is known, and whatever is from al-Radi that is also known. (al-Wafi bi al-wafayat, vol. 2, p. 375)

Instead of going into further details of the controversy about the authenticity of Nahj al- balaghah’s ascription and forwarding more evidence against those who created doubts about it, I would recommend the keen reader to consult al-Mu’jam al-mufahras li alfaz Nahj al-balaghah, edited by al-Sayyid Kazim al-Muhammadi and al-Shaykh Muhammad al-Dashti, who have done a commendable job in preparing a very comprehensive bibliography of the sources of the book along with a detailed item- by-item list of the sources of each and every sermon, letter, and saying contained in Nahj al-balaghah. Moreover, since the death of al-Radi scholars of eminence have been always interested in writing commentaries on Nahj al-balagha, which is another very strong proof of its authenticity. So many Sunni, Mu’tazili, and Shi’i scholars would not have taken pains to comment upon al Radi’s own fabrications.

‘Ali Naqi Munzawi, in the catalogue of the library of Mishkat, donated to Tehran University, has enumerated 33 narrators of al-’Imam ‘Ali’s utterances before al-Radi and fourteen after him till the tenth Hijrah century. Danish Pizhoh, in his preface to Farman-e Malik Ashtar, edited by Husayn ‘Alawi Awi, has given a list of its early commentators. Sayyid ‘Abd al-Zahra’ al-Khatib, in Masadir Nahj al balagha wa asaniduh, has counted thirty-three books written concerning the sources of Nahj al- balaghah. Hundreds of manuscripts of Nahj al-balaghah in various libraries of the world and even a greater number of the manuscripts of other earlier works containing al-’Imam ‘Ali’s utterances invite all seekers of truth to trace the sources and ascertain the authenticity of Nahj al-balaghah. There are also numerous documents available which contain certificates and testimonials issued by eminent scholars to their pupils authorizing them to narrate the contents of Nahj al-balaghah along with the permission to narrate ahadith of the Prophet (saw) and the Imams (as). This is enough to show that Nahj al-balaghah has been considered to be of equal value in reliability with the most authentic compendiums of hadith. The narration of Nahj al-balagha’s traditions had started during the lifetime of al-Radi. Qutb al-Din al-Rawandi (d. 573/1177) in the preface of his commentary on Nahj al- balaghoh, refers to a daughter of al-Sharif al Murtada, who had studied the book under al-Radi himself and was authorized to narrate its traditions to others, and she used to narrate Nahj al-balaghah on her uncle’s authority. Shaykh ‘Abd al-Rahim al-Baghdadi has narrated from this learned lady of the family of the Imams (as).

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The Commentaries on Nahj al Balaghah

Since the times of al-Radi, Nahj al-balaghah has been a subject of study and interpretation. As reported earlier al Sayyid al-Murtada’s daughter used to narrate her uncle’s work, and the book had become a subject of study in academic circles. The Kitab nameh yi Nahj al Balaghah published in 1359 Sham./1980 in Persian from Iran, enlists 370 titles of various commentaries, translations, selections and books dealing with its madarik and masadir (sources) in Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Turkish, English, Gujrati and French.

This bibliography cannot be considered to be complete in any way, for it is compiled in Iran and the compiler depended on secondary sources such as al-Dhari’ah, Kakh-e dilawiz, Nuqaba’ al-bashar, etc., as he had no access to the works in other languages, particularly Indian languages. A large number of titles could have been added to this list with some research in the languages unfamiliar to the Persians. A selected bibliography on the basis of this Kitab-nameh and two other books was compiled and published in al-Tawhid, vol. II, no. 2.

Selected Commentaries on Nahj al Balaghah

1. Alam Nahj al-balaghah by al-Sayyid ‘Ali ibn Nasir al-’Alawi, reportedly a contemporary of al-Radi. Firstly, this book refers to some other commentaries, which means it may not be the first. Secondly, its style is not that of the fifth century and the book may belong to a later period.

2. Ma’arij Nahj al-balaghah by Shaykh Abu al-Hasan Abu al-Qasim Zayd ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Ali al:Bayhaqi al-Nishaburi, popularly known as Farid-e Khurasan (d. 565/1169). This sharh is supposed to be based on the copy of Nahj al-balaghah that was approved by al-Radi himself.

3. Hada’iq al-haqa’iq: al-’isbah fi Sharh Nahj al-balaghah by Abu al-Hasan Muhammad ibn al-Husayn al-Bayhaqi al-Nishaburi, known as Qutb al-Din al-Kundari, compiled in 576/1180. Its one manuscript is in Madrasah-ye Fadiliyyah, Mashhad.

4. and 5. Al-Ma’arij fi Sharh Nahj al-balaghah (also called al -Mi’raj) and Minhaj al-bara’ah (written in 556/1170) by Qutb al-Din al-Rawandi (d. 573/1177).

6. An incomplete commentary by Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (543 or 44-606/1149-50-1209), mentioned in Ta’rikh al-hukamd by Jamal al-Din al-Qifti.

7. A commentary attributed to ‘Abd al Jabbar al-Mu’tazili, and also three other scholars contemporary of al-Shaykh al-Tusi (385-460/995-1067-68)

8. Sharh by Diya’ al-Din Abu al-Rida Fadl Allah ibn ‘Ali al-Rawandi (d. after i58/1065-66).

9. Sharh ‘Izz al-Din ibn Abi al-Hadid al-Mu’tazili(d. 656/1258). This is the most famous commentary on which several commentaries have been written. This has been translated into Persian, French and most probably in Urdu. Its selection Iltiqat al-durar al-nukhab was compiled in 1283/1866-67. Commentaries written on it number at least fifteen, among the authors of which are such eminent names as Ahmad ibn Tawus (d. 637/1239), Sayyid Hashim al-Bahrani (d. 1107/i695-96), Shaykh Yusuf al-Bahrani (1186!1772-3), Shaykh Muhsin Karim ‘Abd al-Husayn ibn Musa, Mahmud Mallah and others. Critiques of his commentary were mainly directed against his position regarding the caliphate. Though Ibn Abi al-Hadid recognized al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah as genuinely attributed to al-’Imam ‘Ali (as), he, however, tried to interpret it in accordance with Sunni belief in the legitimacy of al-Khilafat al-Rashidah.

10. Al-Sharh al-kabir by Ibn al-Maytham al-Bahrani (d. 679/1280). Ibn al-Maytham wrote other commentaries on the book also viz. Mishah al-saliEfn and its abridgement Mukhtasar Misbah al- salikin, and Minhaj al-’arifin, a commentary on Mi’at kalimah li-’Amir al-Mu’minin by al Jahiz.

11. Al-Dibaj al mudi’ fi sharh Nahj al-balaghah li al-Radi by Imam al-Mu’ayyad bi Allah Yahya ibn Hamzah al-’Alawi al-Yamani (d. 749/1348-9) which deals with the difficult words occurring in Nahj al-balaghah.

12. Mulhaq Nahj al-balaghah, a commentary written around the beginning of the eighth/ fourteenth century by Ahmad ibn Yahya, a manuscript of which copied in 729/1328-29 is in the Kitabkhaneh-yi Astaneh-yi Quds Ridawi, Mashhad.

13. Sharh al-nafa’is by an unknown Sunni author written in 759/1357-58 available in the Kitabkhaneh-yi Astaneh-yi Quds Ridawi Mashhad.

14. Sharh by Kamal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-’Ata’iqi al-Hilli compiled in 770/1368-69.

15. Minhaj al-fasahah by Kamal al-Din Husayn ibn Khwajah Sharaf al-Din ‘Abd al-Haqq al-’Ardebili Ilahi (d. 950il543-44).

16. Minhaj al-wilayah by Mulla ‘Abd al-Baqi al-Sufi al-Tabrizi al-Khattat, known as Danishmand (d. 1039/1629-30).

17. Sharh by Abu Talib Taj al-Din ‘Ali ibn Anjab, known as Ibn Sa’id (d. 674/l275-6).

18. Sharh by al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al Saffati (d. 650/1252-3).

19. Al-Tuhfat al-’Aliyyah fisharah Nahj al-balaghat at-Haydariyyah by Muhammad ibn Habib Allah, grandson of Khalifah Sultan, compiled ih 881/l476.

20. Al-Mawdhib al-Ilahiyyah by al-Sayyid Afsah al-Din Muhammad al-Shirazi (the 9th century H.).

In later centuries, numerous commentaries were written in Arabic and Persian, details of which can be found in the Kitabnameh-yi Nahj al-balaghah and al-Tawhid (English), vol. II, no.2. In addition to these several other works were compiled with regard to the sources of the contents of Nahj al- balaghah in Arabic, Urdu and Persian, among which the following can be mentioned here:

Commentaries available in Persian

1. Rida Ustadi, Bahthi kutah piramun-e Nahj al-balaghah wa madarik-e an (1396/1976).

2. Kitabnameh-yi Nahj al-balaghah by the above-mentioned author (1359 Sham./ 1980).

3. Barrasi-yi Nahj al-baldghah wa asnad-e an by Sayyid Jawad Mustafawi.

4. Pizhuhishi dar asnad wa madarik-e Nahj al-balaghah by Sayyid Muhammad Ja’fari (1356 Sham./ 1977).

Commentaries available in Arabic

1. Mustatrafat Nahj al-baldghah by Shaykh Fakhr al-Din al- Turayhi (d. 1085/1674).

2. Masadir Nahj al-balaghah by ‘Abd al-Zahra’ al-Husayni al- Khatib, in four volumes (1386/1966-67).

3. Madarik Nahj al-balaghah by al Shaykh Hadi Kashif al Ghita’ (d.1361/1942), printed in 1354/1935.

4. Madarik Nahj al-balaghah by al Shaykh ‘Abd Allah Ni’mah, published from Beirut

5. Mustadrak Nahj al-balaghah by Shaykh Kashif al Ghita, printed in 1354/1935.

6. Masadir Nahj al-balaghah by Hibat al-Din al Shahristani (1301-1386/1883-84-1966-67),

7. Ma huwa Nahj al-balaghah by al Sayyid Hibat al-Din al- Shahristani, compiled in 1352/1933-34 and printed the same year. Also translated into Persian and published twice.

A number of translations and commentaries on the Imam’s letter to Malik al-’Ashtar have been written in Persian which number around fifty, of which some were in verse. The authors of some of these shuruh are persons of eminence like Mulla Muhammad Salih Rawghani, Muhammad Husayn Furughi Dhaka’ al-Mulk (d. 1325/1907-08), Mirza Muhammad ‘Ali Furughi (1257-1321 Sham./ 1878-1942), Ahmad ibn Hafiz Qatil Kirmani, known as Adib (d. 1329/ 1911), Sharif al-’Amili, and al-’Allamah al-Majlisi (d. 1111/1699-1700). The complete text of Nahj al-balaghah was also translated in verse many a time. In Arabic, too, the letter to Malik al-’Ashtar was commented upon by numerous scholars.

Al-Khutbat al-Shiqshiqiyyah had been also attracting the attention of Arab commentators and Persian translators. Nahj al-balaghah’s Persian translations started to appear much earlier than the Safawids came to power. Husayn ibn Sharaf al-Din Ardebili, a contemporary of Shah Isma’il Safawi, translated Nahj al-balaghah which was published in 1355/1936 with the Arabic text. Among the popular Persian translations we can name the ones by Sayyid ‘Ali Naqi Fayd al-’Islam, Jawad Fadil, and Asad Allah Mubashshiri. Among the early translations one was done by Nizam al-Din ‘Ali ibn al-Hasan al-Gilani, which was completed in 1036/1626-27. The earliest Persian translation is by Mulla Fath Allah al-Kashani (d. 988/1580-81) under the title Tanbih al-ghafilin, a third printing of which came out of the press in 1313/1895-96. A popular revolutionary leader and scholar Ayatullah Sayyid Mahmud Taliqani (d. 1399/ 1979) also translated Nahj al-balaghah and published it with his commentary in 1326 Sham./1947.

Urdu translations of Nahj al Balaghah

1. al-’Isha’ah by Sayyid Awlad Hasan ibn Muhammad Hasan Amruhawi (d. 1338/1919-20), Nayrang-e fasahat by Dhakir Husayn Akhtar Dehlawi, and three other translations by Zafar Mahdi ibn Sayyid Warith Husayn Ja’isi, Ra’is Ahmad Ja’fari (a Sunni author), and Mufti Ja’far Husayn. All these translations were accompanied by notes and comments.

2. I’jaz Husayn Badayuni (d. 1350/1931-32) compiled a book to explain difficult words of the book under the name Hall-e lughat-e Nahj al-balaghah.

3. Imtiyaz ‘Ali Khan ‘Arshi’s Istinad-e Nahj al-balaghah has already been discussed. Aqa Buzurg al-Tehrani, in al- Dhari’ah ila tasanif al-Shi’ah, has referred to another Tarjumah wa sharh in Urdu by Sayyid ‘Ali Azhar Khajwi al- Hindi (d. 1352/1933-34).

4. Sayyid Sibt al-Hasan al-Hanswi’s work Minhaj Nahj al-balaghah is rated among the best of its kind in Urdu. A few years ago Mahmud Husayn Qaysar Amruhawi published a lengthy article in many parts in an Urdu journal on the sources of Nahj al-balaghah and the authenticity of the ascription of its contents to al-’ Imam ‘Ali (as). There are, of course, a number of articles and booklets compiled about Nahj al-balaghah in Urdu

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The Contents of Nahj al Balaghah

Nahj al-balaghah comprises various issues that cover major problems of metaphysics, theology, fiqh, tafsir, hadith, prophetology, imamate, ethics,social philosophy, history, politics, administration, civics, science, rhetoric, poetry, literature, etc. Most of the discussions about various theological issues and philosophical notions in Islam have their origin in this very book. Similarly, all the controversies regarding socio-political problems in the Muslim society and state left their echo in Nahj al-balaghah,or rather those were inspired from the utterances of al-lmam ‘Ali (as).

The book not only reflects the spirit of early Islam and the teachings of the Quran and the Prophet (saw) in the proper perspective, but also serves as a guide to traverse the future in the light of these teachings.

It is a matter of regret that Nahj al-balaghah was not properly utilized by the Muslims as a source book of Islamic philosophy, kalam, fiqh, and ethics due to misconceptions about its attribution to al-Imam’Ali (as) In the presence of strong and sufficient evidence in support of the contents of the book being authentic, it was sheer prejudice and lack of the spirit of inquiry that was responsible for neglecting such a reliable source of Islamic ideas.

In recent times, the Orientalists have spread the unfounded doubts of Ibn Khallikan and al-Dhahabi among Muslim and non-Muslim scholars in the name of objectivity in research, thus giving a respectable appearance to their ignorance, which was, of course, combined and prompted by their motive to ali enate the Muslims from their intellectual heritage. I know many a scholar in India and Pakistan questioning the authenticity of Nahj al-balaghah’s ascription to

Amir al-Mu’minin using lofty words of research-objectivity with a hefty-pose of a dispassionate seeker of truth. None of them, I am sure, ever studied any book about early sources of the sermons and letters of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as), nor did any one of them ever try to gain really objective information about the book. Unfortunately none of them bothered to go through even the valuable research done by Imtiyaz ‘Ali Khan ‘Arshi, a widely read and respected writer in the literary circles of Urdu in the Subcontinent.

It was because of my first-hand knowledge of this pitiable situation that I have intentionally devoted the major part of the present article to the issue of the authenticity of the attribution of the contents of Nahj al-Balaghah, in the light of earlier sources, to ‘Ali (as).

Those who insist upon denying the veracity of Nahj al-balaghah are either suffering from a malady of deep-rooted prejudice spread through the propaganda of the supporters of Banu Umayyah, or their minds and spirits have been blinded by the propagation of falsehood by the Orientalists under the garb of high-sounding academic jargon. If our minds are cured of this jaundiced perception of our own past, Nahj al-balagha can be paid the attention it deserves and its contents will be studied and its meanings will be fully explored and exploited for a better understanding of Islamic ideas and realities.

A look at the subjects discussed in Nahj al-balagha will be helpful in ascertaining the wide scope of this invaluable treasure of wisdom. So far a few attempts to classify the subject matter of the book have been made none of which has been comprehensive. A subject-wise index of the contents of Nahj al-balaghah has been prepared by ‘Ali Ansariyan and published in Arabic under the title al-Dallil ‘ala mawdu’at Nahj al-balaghah in 1395/1975. It was translated and published three years ago in Persian with the sub-title Nahj al-balaghah mawdu’i.

The compiler has divided the contents into eight categories, each dealing with a specific subject further divided into various issues pertaining to the main theme.

The main divisions are as follows:

1. Ma’rifat Allah,
2. Ma’rifat al-kawn,
3. Ma’rifat al-hujjah,
4. Ma’rifat nizam al-huqumah wa al-mujtama’,
5. Ma’rifat al-’ahkam,
6. Wa’rifat al-’akhlaq,
7. Ma’rifat al-ta’rikh, and
8. Ma’rifat al-ma’dd

The major issues covered under the main categories can be summarized here:

1. Ma’rifat Allah (knowledge about God): The utterances and writings of Amir al-Mu’minin on God and His Attributes are divided into eighteen sub- headings in the following manner:

1. tawhid, the Unity of God;
2. sifat al-dhat, the Attributes of Essence;
3. ‘ilm wal hikmah, the Knowledge and Wisdom of God;
4. ‘azamah wa qudrah, Greatness and Power of God;
5. basir, Seer;
6. sami’, Hearer;
7. hayy, Living;
8. mutakallim, Speaker;
9. jabarutiyyah, Omnipotence;
10. ‘adl, Divine-Justice;
11. nusrah wa intiqam, Help and vengeance of God;
12. al-tawakkul ‘alayh, Dependence on God;
13. al-tahmid lahu, Praise to God;
14. al-’isti’anah bih, Seeking assistance from God;
15. al-razzdq wa al-rizq, the Provider and the provision, divided into further sub-issues;
16. worship and worshippers, divided into sub-headings dealing with various forms and kinds of worship and worshippers, the worst and the best human beings, and worship of other than God;
17. manifestation of God and the Beatific Vision;
18. al-qada’ wa al-qadar, Divine Will and Intention;

2. Ma’rifat al-kawn , knowledge of the universe:

1. heaven and the earth;
2. creation and the properties of living beings under this topic al-’Imam ‘Ali’s descriptions of various animals such as the bat, the ant, the peacock and other birds are given;
3. many various aspects of human nature;
4. angels, their worship and utterances with special reference to Jibra’il and Mika’il;
5. Satan.

3. Ma’rifat al-hujjah, knowledge about the Proofs of God,: The first part of it is devoted to prophetology; that is, the characteristics and the aims of the prophets, their companions and families, their character, etc.; the next seven sections, from the second to the eighth, deal with the lives of Adam, Abel and Cain, Salih, Moses and Aaron, Banu Isra’il, David and Solomon, and Christ; the ninth section is devoted to the life and character of the Prophet Muhammad (saw), spread over 230 pages further divided into sub-issues to discuss the pre Islamic Arabs,the Family of the Prophet (saw), the main objectives of the prophetic mission, miracles, wives of the Prophet (saw), the finality of his prophethood, hadith and the criteria of reliability and grades of authenticity, hadith-interpretation, Companions, jihad and the battles of the Prophet, the demise of the Prophet (saw) and its consequences; Ahl al-Bayt (as), Fatimah (as), al-Hasan (as) and al-Husayn (as), Ahl al-Bayt and zakat; the Quran: classification of verses, tafsir by conjecture (ra’y), the role of the Imam in the interpretation of the Quran, the attributes of the Quran, teaching of the Quran, important of correct understanding of the Quran,qira’ah of the Quran, tafsir of some verses.

Under the life of the Prophet, the meaning and the conditions of Islam are also dealt with, with reference to the characteristics of the Muslims and their dignity. Iman and mu’min form the theme of a separate section; at the end, infidelity (kufr) and its characteristies are discussed. The tenth issue under hujjah concerns the caliphate and the Imamate with specific reference to the leadership of Ahl al-Bayt (as) [the Imams of the Family of the Prophet (saw). The eleventh part deals with the issues related to the oath of allegiance (bay’ah).

The twelth part contains the utterances of al-Imam ‘Ali (as) concerning his own Imamate and his own role in the advancement of the cause of Islam; some sections give autobiographical details about the Imam. ‘Ali’s zuhd, justice, dress and food habits, humility and courage. The last section of this part is about Amir al-Mu’minin’s sayings about al-Imam al-Mahdi (as), his identity and his appearance.

4. Ma’rifat nizam al-hukamah wa al-mujtama’ (system of govern-ance and society): This part deals with the issues of society and politics, and is perhaps the most relevant to present-day Islam and the Muslim world. It spreads over more than four hundred pages.

Such an in-depth treatment of the subject is indicative of the Imam’s concern for socio-political life of the Ummah. The issues covered are:

1. Justice and oppression: forms of oppression and traits of oppressors; responsibilities of the just Imams; the duty of al-mu’minun vis-a-vis justice and oppression.
2. Right and wrong (haqq and batil): distinction between right and wrong; criterion of right; reciprocal rights and duties; duty towards God; and mutual duties of parents and children.
3. Semblance of truth.
4. Poverty.
5. People and their kinds: causes of differences and their sources; role of various groups in social changes; people’s inner transformation, a prerequisite for reform; role of healthy elements in society; characteristics of evil and anti-social elements in society; people’s attitude towards social change.
6. Government and society; this part is divided into twenty-three fusul (chapters).

1. The most fundamental objectives and duties of Islamic government.
2. The characteristics of rulers.
3. The duties of rulers towards people.
4. Ministers and advisers.
5. People’s rights: social classes and their mutual dependence; the responsibilities of the army; and functions of rulers in fulfilling people’s rights. 6. The Islamic army and choice of commanders.
7. The mutual rights of people and rulers.
8. Whom to refer to resolve differences?
9. Courts of justice and qadis.
10. Officials and functionaries of government, their mode of selection; the ruler’s duty towards them.
11. Information and intelligence of the State, and military intelligence.
12. Taxes, public treasury (bayt al-mal), and tax payers: means of levying taxes; protection and guarding of public treasury; heads of expenditure of public funds; equitable distribution of bayt al-mal; and problem of misappropriation of bayt al-mal.
13. Secretaries and record-keepers of official matters (ministers and high officials).
14. Businessmen and industrialists: administration of economic affairs, and government’s supervision of economic matters of the State.
15. The oppressed and the deprived sections of society, and ruler’s duties towards them.
16. Governors’ direct contact with people for listening to their grievances, and people’s right to have aecess to rulers.
17. Governors’ personal responsibility in certain matters.
18. Direct supervision by governors and government authorities of current affairs of the State.
19. Ruler, his family and relatives.
20. Duty of governors vis-a-vis charges levelled against them.
21. Pacts and peace treaties with other States.
22. Guidelines for performance of governors’ individual and social functions.
23. Seeking God’s help for being just.

5. Ma’rifat al-’ahkam (religious laws): This part is divided into eighteen sub-headings. The first section contains the Imam’s views about the philosophy of laws. The second and the third sections deal with prayer (salat) and the virtue of congregation prayer, Friday prayer and midnight prayer. The fourth section is devoted to the Imam’s sayings about fasting (sawm ). The fifth one comprises Amir al- Mu’minin’s interpretation of laws regarding women’s obligation in compulsory matters. The remaining chapters deal with the following issues: the sixth about almsgiving (zakat); the seventh about property laws; the eighth about Hajj pilgrimage and the Holy Ka’bah; the ninth about al-’Amr bi al-ma’ruf wa al-nahy ‘an al-munkar (enjoining good and prohibiting evil), one of the fundamentals of faith (furu’al-Din) that covers all forms of activities, social, political, economic, as well as individual duties. The tenth and the eleventh chapters deal with laws concerning jihad, a term with a very wide range of connotations, but its special meaning covers all forrns of struggle against unbelief, which itself embraces various forms of injustice and oppression, denial of God is an atrocity against one’s own self. In this section, emphasis is on the laws pertaining to war and military activity; the last two sub headings deal with martyrdom and martyrs, and peace treaty with enemies. The twelfth chapter is about injunctions regarding the circumstances which necessitate hiding of faith with the purpose of defending individual as well as collective existence of the Muslims (taqiyyah). The thirteenth chapter is devoted to the laws of business transactions with special emphasis on usury (riba) and loan. The fourteenth chapter covers laws about adultery (zina). The next four chapters discuss issues involved in theft, murder, dying of the hair, and laws concerning human conduct in desperate situations (ahkam al-mudtarr).

6. Ma’rifat al-’akhlaiq (ethical laws): This is the longest section of the book, spreading over six hundred pages. The first part of this section covers general issues of morality in the following order:

1. reason, its virtue, forms, effects, and functions; limitations of reason and evil consequences of its misuse;

2. contemplation and intellection;

3. the heart as the inner faculty which is the source of moral virtues and evils; its general condition and relation with other organs of the body; its qualities and means of strength, weakness, hardening, and limitations;

4. knowledge: definition and scope; useful and useless forms of knowledge; relation between knowledge and practice; effects of knowledge; teaching and learning; limitations of human knowledge;

5. theologians and their duties;

6. misguided and misleading ‘ulama’;

7. wisdom and the role of learned persons in society;

8. the wood and the Hereafter-salient features of worldly life; comparison and contrast between the world and the Hereafter; temporality of the world and eternity of the Hereafter; relation between the two; purpose of the creation of the world; deception and pride of the world; proper and improper utilization of the world; world-outlook of awliya ‘, the Prophet of Islam (saw), pious persons, and al-’Imam ‘Ali (as); man’s attitude to the world;

9. capital and its distribution;

10. good and evil.

The second part of ethical discussions deals with moral behaviour and conduct. This is itself divided into ten sections dealing with various modes of conduct:

1. repentance and seeking forgirveness (tawbah and istighfar);

2. piety (taqwa);

3. characteristics of muttaqun;

4. zuhd;

5. patience and resignation (sabr);

6. the tongue, its function and its relation to other organs of the body; tongue-control;

7. friendship and friends: how to choose friends; reliance and dependence on friends; mutual duties of friends;

8. manners and courtesy;

9. forbearance and patience;

10. abstention from self-praise.

Moral vices are discussed under the following: lust and love (in its negative sense); miserliness; extravagance; envy; pride; hypocrisy and hypocrites (nifaq and munafiqun);deceit or self-indulgence(narcissism).

At the end of this section certain moral issue with reference to women are dealt with. The concluding part gives an account of supplication, its need, circumstances and effects, with some of the supplications of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as) on different occasions.

7. Mairifat al-ta’rikh (history): This section gives us an idea of al-’Imam ‘Ali’s view of history and historical events, divided into sixteen parts, and each part divided further into many sub-headings provides an intimate picture of the life and times of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as), his contem-poraries,and the Prophet (saw):

1. Analysis of history: main currents and traditions in history; causes of the rise and fall of nations; and lessons from history.

2. Life history of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as); glimpses of an autobiographi-cal account of the life of the Imam (as) with reference to his role in the unity of the Ummah by foregoing his right and snubbing divisive efforts of some opportunists.

3. Saqifat Bani Sa’idah

4. Fadak

5. Al-Imam ‘Ali (as) and the caliphs, Abu Bakr, ‘Umar and ‘Uthman; the Imam’s role as an adviser during the period of ‘Umar’s caliphate; the Shura’s role in the election of ‘Umar’s successor; reasons of the Imam’s allegiance to ‘Uthman, and the latter’s deviations; ‘Ali’s counsel to ‘Uthman; ‘Ali’s innocence in the assassination of the third caliph and his stand after the assassination.

6. The caliphate of al-’Imam ‘Ali (as): the Imam’s reasons for being reluctant to accept the caliphate; people’s pressure and insistence; declaration of the Imam’s policies and programmes.

7. Parties and groups opposing the Imam.

8. The Battle of Jamal with special reference to the role of ‘A’ishah, Talhah and al-Zubayr; the Imam’s attitude during and after the battle towards his opponents (the Nakithun).

9. The Battle of Siffin: the role of the Qasitun; the Imam’s reasons for fighting the Qasitun; his attempts to convince the Qasitun about the evil consequences of war.

10. Tahkim: the evil of the tahkim and its roots; the Imam’s reasons for rejecting the proposed arbitration; evil and far-reaching consequences of the arbitration.

11. The Khawarij: the Khawarij’s role and their misleading notions; the Imam’s repeated efforts to pursuade the Khawarij from fighting before the Battle of Nahrawan; the Imam’s anticipation of the fate of the Khawarij.

12. The last days of the Imam: the Imam’s foreknowledge of his martyrdom; the last sermon; the Imam’s words on the dawn of the nineteenth of Ramadan before being fatally injured; the last moments of the Imam (as) and his will.

13. Praise and criticism of the Imam’s companions: basic traits of the disheartened elements; comparison of the Imam’s companions with those of the Prophet (saw) and those of Mu’awiyah; relations between the Imam (as) and his companions; their praise; evil consequences of disobeying the Imam (as)

14. Opponents of the Imam ‘Ali’s rule and the reasons for their dissent.

15. Events of Egypt: the appointment of Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr and its abrogation; the appointment of Malik al-’Ashtar; the Imam’s letter to the people of Egypt; the assassination of Malik al-’Ashtar; Malik al-’Ashtar’s great qualities; the martyrdom of Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr.

16. Personages: Abu Dharr; al-’Ash’ath ibn Qays; the companions of al- Mada’in; Umru’ al-Qays; Anas ibn Malik; al-Burj ibn Mushir al- Ta’-i, Banu Umayyah and their disruptive role in Islam; Hamzah and Ja’far al-Tayyar; Khabbab ibn al-’Arat; Khadijah; Sa’id ibn Malik; Sa’id ibn Namran; Abu Sufyan; Sa’sa’ah ibn , Sawhan; ‘Amr ibn al- ‘As; the Quraysh, their tribal background and their opposition to the Imam, and the Imam’s attitude towards the Quraysh; Kumayl ibn Ziyad al-Nakha’i; Marwan ibn al-Hakam; Masqalah ibn Hubayrah; Mu’awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan and the Imam’s correspondence with him; al-Mughirah ibn Akhnas and a’l-Mughirah ibn Shu’bah.

17. The Imam’s historical and eschatological foresight: conditions of the last days of the world; destiny of Basrah and Kufah; destiny of the Arabs; duties and responsibilities of the faithful (mu’minun) in the last days.

8. Masrifat al-Ma’ad (Resurrection and the Hereafter): death, its agonies and mysteries; the mu’min’s preparedness for death; the Angel of Death; what happens after death?; learning lesson from death and graveyard; the Day of Judgement: proof of Resurrection; symptoms of the Last Day; judgement of human deeds; Sirat; human condition on the Day of Judgement; heaven and hell.

The above-quoted index of subjects in Nahj al-balaghah reveals a vast span of themes and issues. As it suggests, it can be used as a source and guide in the theory and practice of Ijtihad. Shi’i ‘ulama’ have been using Nahj al-balagha as a guide in the matters of fiqh. How far is Nahj al-balaghah dependable and useful as a source book of fiqh? After the four major Shi’i compendiums of hadith Nahjal-balaghah stands higher than all other collections of hadith. Besides the traditions of the Prophet (saw) this is surely the most authentic guide in theology, morality, fiqh, social administration, political theory and its practice, and many other matters which are vital for Muslim society and are relevant to our own predicament in the modern age.

Nasir Makarim Shirazi, in one of his articles on the role of Nahj al-balagha in fiqh, has discussed the question of the worth of the traditions contained in the book. Can we use these traditions as a secure foundation for deriving the ahkam of fiqh? Do they fulfil the criteria of reliability laid down in Usul al-fiqh? Does a tradition relating to moral, social and political matters need not fulfil the conditions of hujbiyyah (proof) as required in the issues of fiqh? His answer is:

Whatever is contained in it regarding the issues of belief is supported by rational and philosophical arguments. And it ought to have been so; for, the principles of belief are established conclusively only through this method. They cannot be proved on the basis of a single tradition. This principle is applicable to most of the guidelines concerning politics and society. Therefore, dependence on tradition in such matters is not required (in the presence of rational arguments). In the sphere of moral problems, also, dependence on tradition is not of fundamental importance; because the fundamentals of morality are self evident and are in harmony with nature. The role of a moral guide is to ingrain these principles in the souls of his followers, and to stimulate them to move in their direction ;such a job does not depend on any authority. Especially in moral matters that do not fall under the categories of the obligatory (wajib) and the prohibited (haram), but come in the jurisdiction of the desirable (mustahabb), the application of this criterion is obvious; for they can be accepted on the well-known principle of al-tasumuh ‘an adillat al-sunan, that is non-essentiality of citing textual evidence for mustahabbat, often practised by the authorities in usul.

But in legal matters (masa’il al-fiqh) in general, and in matter of worship wajib and haram in particular, one is bound to refer to an authentic tradition. In such matters howsoever strong an argument may be, it will not stand on its own in the absence of a tradition. Though the importanee of authority is not denied in other matters too, its vital role in the matters of fiqh is undeniable.

1. It is a matter of regret that al-Sayyid al-Radi, the compiler of Nahj al-balaghah, has not paid due attention to support most of the sermons, letters and stray sayings with asnad, the chain of narrators. As a result, Nahj al-balaghah comes down to us in the form of hadith mursal. However, we have access to many an early souree of these traditions to prove their authenticity through chain of reliable narrators, and most probably al-Radi didn’t pay attention to furnish their asnad due to their well-known availability in other sourees. Or he had other stronger reasons for avoiding referenee to asnad. He might have considered their contents to be above any doubt.

2. Another means of proving the reliability of a tradition is its compatibility with the Quran … We apply this criterion with regard to the traditions of the Infallible Imams (as). Employment of this method in the case of Nahj al- balaghah is of much value.

3. The third way to ascertain the authority of a tradition is its fame and general acceptability among the ‘ulama’. If we accede to this criterion, Nahj al-balaghah is at the zenith of fame and is greatly respected by scholars of eminence, who support their ideas with quotations from this book and refer to its authority in various matters …

4. Another means of arriving at the target, that is, establishing the authenticity of a tradition or a book, is the spiritual sublimity of its content. What is meant by sublimity of meaning is its higher level of spirituality and inspiration, which implicitly leads us to believe that it can’t originate in a fallible mind. This criterion is acceptable to a number of great fuqaha’ … For instance al-Shaykh al-’A'zam al- ‘Allamah al-’Ansari, in the Rasa’il, accepts a well known tradition of al-’Imam al-Hasan al-’Askari in the matter of undesirable (madhmum) and desirable (matlub) imitation (taqlid) … or Ayatullah Burujardi refers to the words of al-Sahifat al-Sajjadiyyah in the context of Friday prayer. Though al-Sahifat al-Sajjadiyyah has not reached us through a chain of authorities, sublimity of its content reveals that it could not have been issued from the tongue of an ordinary mortal.

On the basis of these various criteria, of which the first one can be applied only with reference to the early sources of the tradition that have occurred in Nahj al-balaghah, it is concluded that the book can be justifiably used as an authority in ijtihadat. The writer of the above mentioned article has furnished a long list of traditions which have been or can be used in fiqh.

Nahj al-balaghah is also of great value in construing the Islamic approach to various issues of vital significance to the present world of Islam.

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